Plato Besedin Writer
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20 June

How Sevastopol is rented out

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We all expected more from the Crimean spring. It didn't work out the way we wanted it to. And there are serious objective reasons for this. Like external pressure, with its sanctions and restrictions. But they would never stop moving forward if everything inside was worthy.

The reasons that the Crimean spring stalled and did not develop the energy of great goals obtained thanks to the will of hundreds of thousands of people are, first of all, in Sevastopol itself and specifically in those who represent it at the highest level - the so-called elites. And their main problem can be formulated as follows: “People are not responsible for their words. Their struggle for the well-being of the hero city, for justice, about which they talk so much and pathetically, is only a way to realize their ambitions, satisfy their mercantile interests, the basis of which is the banal - power, money.”

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For two years, a fiery struggle between the elites continued in Sevastopol, a visible part of which was the confrontation between ex-governor Sergei Menyailo and the “people's mayor” Alexei Chaly. There were plenty of other participants in the conflict on both sides. The main character on Chaly’s part was his “comrade-in-arms” - businessman Oleg Nikolaev.

It was he who launched an epic struggle against the ex-governor. It was he who decorated the city with leaflets and posters, it was he who published the newspaper, where all the sins and shortcomings of Menyailo were exposed. Surprisingly – unexpectedly, right? - this struggle, presented under the guise of saving the city, coincided with the election campaign of Nikolaev himself. He wanted to go to the State Duma. And, in fact, criticism of Menyailo was his only argument in the election program.

But Menyailo left for a promotion in Siberia. Nikolaev lost the elections. And a new mayor appeared in the city - Dmitry Ovsyannikov. However, he became only an interim governor; he still faces direct elections, by the way, the first in the history of Sevastopol. Let me remind you that before this, city governors were appointed from the center - Moscow, Kyiv and Moscow again.

With the arrival of Ovsyannikov, Nikolaev went into harsh opposition. At a certain point, its media became almost the only resource that criticized the work of the new city government. Nikolaev himself did his best to expose Ovsyannikov, just as he had previously exposed Menyailo. The headlines of his media were appropriate: “How is Ovsyannikov better than Menyailo?” And ahead - again a coincidence - there were gubernatorial elections, which Nikolaev, of course, wanted to go to. And he promised to fight, to fight.

But here’s some fresh news: Oleg Nikolaev will head the Sevastopol Development Corporation, and the Growth Party, where he is number four on the general list, will support him in the gubernatorial elections - well, of course! - Dmitry Ovsyannikov. In fact, this means: criticism of the authorities has been curtailed, since the result has been achieved - a prestigious place in exchange for loyalty. But how many fiery speeches were spewed out - from the “fight and fight again” series.

Nikolaev’s senior comrade, Alexey Chaly, actually acted using similar methods. He also did not like one or another action of the authorities, until they gave him 8 billion rubles for the development of the Energy.net project.

And, in fact, that’s all you need to know about the so-called leaders and elites of Sevastopol.

One of the main problems of the city is that there are too many of those who consider themselves entitled to speak on behalf of everyone and for everyone, those who broadcast about justice and the fight for the city on every corner, and when it comes to real actions, steps aside, having received a kind of payoff for this.

Sevastopol is filled with social activists, political scientists, journalists of various stripes - many left over from Ukrainian times - who give birth to a problem out of everything, inflate it, and then carry it like a banner, but exactly until at the right moment the need arises to “dump” it for appropriate reward.

My hometown of Sevastopol has a motto: “So defend Sevastopol!” These words were said on the Malakhov Kurgan by the dying Admiral Kornilov. They are both a message and an instruction. They contain the deepest, sacred meaning. Inspired by these words, the defenders of the city fought during the Great Patriotic War. With them, thousands of people performed the miracle of the Crimean spring.

But the Sevastopol elites don’t care about all this. They do not defend Sevastopol, but their own interests, using the city as a cover. And they do it arrogantly, pretentiously, guarding their conquests in a flock.

Yes, they did great - they shared the birthday cake. But what should ordinary people do? They didn't get a single piece. There is such a mess in the city that in Ukrainian times - yes, yes, those that you blame all the time - could not have been imagined.

But beating yourself in the chest with your fist, one assurance is more pathetic than the other, but in reality? But in reality they saw and saw and saw, because the city is golden.

The so-called leaders and elites have no principles; They barely changed their position. And in Sevastopol, the main thing is principles. Honor. Guided by her, Kornilov defended the city. And Lieutenant Kazarsky on the brig Mercury, who entered into battle with two Turkish battleships, was also honest with himself and with the crew. That's why they won.

Why was the Crimean spring a success? Yes, because people really fought for their principles and fought in a consolidated manner, and not separately, but it all ended with some becoming heroes more than others - and this is the result.

Now there are no Kornilovs and no Kazarskys. There are tycoons who decide their affairs. They surrounded themselves with pocket social activists, political scientists and pay them in clear silver.

The authorities no longer trust these leaders, the elites. They surrendered the city and divided the spheres. We bargained and agreed. And those who recently promised to defend the interests of every Sevastopol resident, to put it simply, have merged.

But what should ordinary people do? Where is their piece of the pie? Who will stand up for them, especially now, when the General Plan, this mutated Sevastopol-style renovation, is approaching like a wheel of fire?

The city needs a major cleanup. But not for show, but for real. So that those who pose as independent fighters step aside, and decisive, principled people take their place. And, above all, from Sevastopol itself. After all, the city was able to give birth to heroes for the Crimean Spring; can it really not cope with this task now, when Sevastopol needs to be defended, and not left to be torn to pieces by businessmen and populists who have set up something like a closed club?

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