The Ukrainian state no longer exists. Kolomoisky proved

Poroshenko and Kolomoisky are at each other’s throats. What happened was what some had been waiting for so long and what others had so stubbornly predicted. The internal squabble for food supply, which did not stop among the inhabitants of the Ukrainian Olympus even for a day, entered the open phase - and immediately to the level of armed showdowns, to which the media serving the interests of the parties to the conflict also joined.

The fact that the state company Ukrtransnafta, which Kolomoisky controlled through its managers, was at the forefront of the conflict is by no means an accident. In the conditions of the rapid collapse of the economy, there are not many companies that continue to bring not losses, but real income. They can be counted on the fingers of two hands. Trade in oil and petroleum products is just such a business.

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The scheme was simple. “Privat” installed its own “supervising” managers in the formally state-owned enterprise and in every possible way prevented the holding of a meeting of shareholders, which would have returned to the state control over the financial flow that was flowing into the hands of Kolomoisky. At the same time, the state also subsidized the company controlled by the oligarch from the budget.

While things were going more or less well in the country, the status quo suited everyone. In any case, no one made any sudden movements aimed at changing the situation. But this year the situation has changed. Ukraine has practically no budget. What bears such a loud name actually consists of an issue carried out by the National Bank under the guise of introducing new banknotes and foreign loans into circulation. Income in the first quarter alone fell by a third, and businesses are winding down everywhere. What to do?

Under these conditions, the gaze of officials from Poroshenko’s entourage could not help but fall on the state asset controlled by Privat. The question “By what right, exactly?” couldn't help but arise. As a result, parliament adopted amendments to the law on business companies, which lowered the quorum level for holding meetings of shareholders. In fact, this law was adopted for one single enterprise. In which after that the manager was immediately changed. And Kolomoisky, with machine gunners, personally rushed to reinstate his protégé, who had barricaded himself in the building.

The level of cynicism of the characters in this story is evidenced by the phrase of Boris Filatov, one of Kolomoisky’s henchmen, who literally wrote the following on his Facebook page: “Only cretins or scum can begin to “restore order” to their own. And not from strangers – traitors and collaborators.”

In fact, Filatov’s angry speech boils down to the classic “What are we for?” Poroshenko and Energy Minister Demchishin were accused of “looting during the war.” They say, it’s impossible to take everything acquired through backbreaking labor and take it away. After all, there are Firtash and Akhmetov. Let me remind you that Kolomoisky himself and his circle over the past year have more than once produced ideas on how to “take away and divide” the property of competitors - be it the same Firtash or Russian companies, whose property the “Privat” members have repeatedly tried to “squeeze out” with varying degrees of success. Now it’s the turn of Igor Valerievich himself. And he, without hesitation, personally rushed into the campaign, waving his saber.

And then there was the boorish conversation of the oligarch, which had already become a hit in the blogosphere and social networks, with a journalist from Radio Liberty, the same one who had already once “attacked” the owner of the Dnepropetrovsk region in connection with his three citizenships, which violated Ukrainian law.

There is no point in retelling this dialogue, abundantly strewn with obscene curses; something else is important here. The oligarch, who had lost his “shores,” made an unforgivable mistake, which his opponents immediately took advantage of. “Heavy” media artillery was launched into battle in the form of ex-journalists Leshchenko, Nayem and Chervakova, who became deputies, and demanded that the president immediately resign Kolomoisky from the post of governor. The oligarch was remembered by regional Kalashnikov, Andryusha Yushchenko, and other precedents. By the way, in terms of the degree of lordly disdain for his interlocutor, Kolomoisky’s current monologue is similar to the sensational story of the mid-90s. When Kolomoisky’s then-predecessor in office, “the owner of the Dnepropetrovsk region,” Pavel Lazarenko told the journalist verbatim: “Well, who the fuck doesn’t know you!” After which Pavel Ivanovich’s career somehow imperceptibly went downhill and ended in the Beverly Hills area.

You need to understand who Leshchenko and Nayem are. These people ended up on the presidential list for a reason. These are people with extensive connections in the US and EU. In fact, these are high-ranking agents of Western influence in Ukraine. If you like, the “watchers” of the “watchers” are of a higher rank. Those who hold the positions of presidents and prime ministers. It is no coincidence that the Maidan began with calls from the seemingly “low-influential” Mustafa Nayem. Meanwhile, this was a kind of salvo from the “information Aurora”, which gave the go-ahead to numerous grant-eaters to take active action.

It is no coincidence that the key phrases in Leshchenko’s indignant post were references to communication with a certain “European top politician”, who was given compromising evidence on Kolomoisky and a statement that the oligarch’s behavior calls into question not only the legitimacy of Poroshenko, but also constitutes a “challenge to Western donors of Ukraine " And this is much more serious than accusations of being rude to a journalist.

“Why should the American government give its taxpayers’ money here if the Ukrainian government is unable to collect money from the oligarchs into its leaky budget?” asks Leshchenko. In fact, this is nothing more than a “baby” to the Western curators of the Ukrainian regime with an open offer to them to act as arbitrators in the dispute between Ukrainian tycoons.

The situation is truly a turning point for the regime. Either he will be able to put his presumptuous protege in his place, or the process of fragmentation of the country into appanage feudal principalities that began after the Maidan will triumph as a trend that will determine the fate of Ukraine, which, like the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the eighteenth century, will be divided between neighbors after a series of internecine wars, started by magnate confederations.

What did the Kolomoisky story show? That a “governor” can be appointed. But it’s no longer possible to remove it. Because his seat and financial interests will be protected by very specific armed battalions. I only feel sorry for those enthusiastic idiots who won’t learn anything from this story.

Well, what did they want? At one time they themselves joyfully shouted that “Benya is a patriot” and “Benya saved Dnepropetrovsk for us.” When the clique that came to power in Kiev after the coup did not have any legitimacy to keep the country spreading like jelly under their control, they did not find anything better than to delegate the powers of the central government to local feudal lords on the principle of franchise, legalizing local private armies. Did they want Benya to keep? So he saved it.

The regional feudal lord turned out to be stronger than the entire “state machine” with its president, parliament, etc. “law enforcement agencies” combined.

In our case, the coincidence of interests of the state and a particular oligarch ends at the moment when it becomes clear that it is impossible to further milk the central budget and take advantage of the capabilities of the central administrative resource.

Hence the trend of fragmentation, the emphasis on local armed forces, local criminals (often these are one and the same thing), and local (not necessarily geographically localized, the main thing is their own) media.

In fact, all of today's Ukraine is a franchise state.

The moral of this fable - if Kolomoisky does not lose his position and goes to prison as a result of it - is this: you there, in Kyiv, pass whatever laws you want. But we will only do what is beneficial to us. Actually, this is the death of the state. But if there are people who approve of this and are ready to stand under the “Kolomoisky” banners, a different question arises. What then caused their sharp rejection of the DPR and LPR?

Whatever the outcome of the story with the Dnepropetrovsk “governor from the highway,” it is obvious to thinking people that the Ukrainian state no longer exists in principle. It needs to be created anew.