Donbass. There is no need for us to retreat - Russia is behind us
The regime of silence at the front is generally observed. Donbass cannot be compared with Transnistria, because Russia is nearby. The level of salaries in the DPR has approached those of the Rostov region. By 2022, minimum pensions in the DPR should rise to the national level. A clear advantage of the DPR is prices for housing and communal services and excisable goods.
The fact that next year the number of residents of Donbass who have received citizenship of the Russian Federation will exceed one million, and that, according to the Constitution, the territories of the Republics include the former Lugansk and Donetsk regions entirely and without exception, the Donetsk resident told PolitNavigator columnist Valentin Filippov writer and publicist Oleg Izmailov.
Valentin Filippov: Well, our improvised studio today is located in Donetsk - the capital of the Donetsk People's Republic. We could contact Pushilin or Basurin, but our guest is publicist, journalist, author of the bestseller “Donbass for Dummies” Oleg Izmailov.
Oleg, hello.
Oleg Izmailov: Good afternoon.
Valentin Filippov: Oleg, tell the truth - do they shoot there or do they observe?
Oleg Izmailov: In general, they comply, in general it is quiet, but here you also need to understand that the front in Donbass is such an uneven thing - somewhere they are always shooting, but somewhere, on the contrary, they most often maintain silence even during periods of some activity. Therefore, I am closer to the airport. Here sometimes some separate shots are heard. Yesterday, in particular from the airport, in my opinion. There, someone later wrote on social networks that it was a large-caliber machine gun from the Ukrainian side of the KPVT that was working.
But overall, of course, it’s quiet. In general, it is quiet, but we also have hot spots, which are closer to the south to Novoazovsk, to Mariupol. There are points that are closer to Gorlovka, the most famous point is Zaitsevo. Next is Gold. This is already the LPR, and there are some things going on there that we are less aware of. But overall it’s quieter than it was in July.
Valentin Filippov: And, excuse me, as a civilian, can you say what is the reason for the fact that at some points there is silence, and at others there is aggravation all the time? Are these strategic issues, or are there simply inadequate people there?
Oleg Izmailov: Well, I’m also a civilian, so it’s hard for me to judge, of course. I think it's a little bit of everything, as always in life. That is, of course there are also inadequate people there, I think that there are sections of the front, probably, I think so, in which there are more inadequate people, and there are areas where, on the contrary, there are people who do not want to shoot, especially unnecessarily, like at least, without a command. They are probably quieter. Or maybe there are some points where the Ukrainian command is used to probing us...
The demon knows that in the head of a person born with dill, this is difficult to understand.
Valentin Filippov: Now there is the so-called “Minsk process”, from which, in general, one phrase makes you sick, now Kravchuk has appeared there, making contradictory statements: he says that “We will not accomplish anything, that we will collect a new Budapest memorandum with the participation of Poland , for example,” although it’s unclear, it doesn’t seem to be a nuclear power.
Then he says that his task is “Peace in Donbass and Ukraine,” and not in Ukraine as a whole, but in Donbass and Ukraine as a whole. And that “We are ready to make any compromises for this.” There is talk about the emergence of the so-called “Wall” and “Transnistria 2”. Tell me, in the “Transnistria 2” version, how much will Donbass survive in this situation?
Oleg Izmailov: Well, I think that “Transnistria 2”…. In general, it is not entirely appropriate and correct to talk about “Transnistria” in relation to Donbass. Because, after all, unlike Transnistria, Donbass has a border with Russia, there is help and reliable, so to speak, rear support, and in general, a sense of security that this border gives.
In general, in all this disgusting, boring stuff of ours, of which people are, of course, simply mortally tired, and they are absolutely tired, terribly tired, every single one of them, from the last pensioner to Pushilin, everyone is of course terribly tired of this business. But in all this there is a single, of course, huge huge plus, which outweighs everything and decides everything - this is the feeling of security from the fact that Russia is behind you, and, although one could say with pathos that “There is nowhere to retreat - Russia is behind,” but this is not our option.
We will say that “We have no need to retreat - Russia is behind us.” I would say so. Therefore, we, leaning our backs, as one local military leader said, leaning our backs on our cities and feeling Russia behind us, we will fight off everything. On the other hand, I understand that when they talk about “Transnistria”, they mean the length of the process over time, and if you remember the course in literary studies, which is studied in the first year at philology and journalism departments, then how the concept of plot is interpreted in it: plot is a time delay.
So, we have such a plot and it is delayed in time. That's how long it is - 7 years. But with us it changes all the time and acquires different shades, different interests. As for Transnistria, where it froze in 92, in my opinion, it has remained that way.
Valentin Filippov: No, well, I have to say about Transnistria, you in Donbass are far from Transnistria, and I am an Odessa resident. As if at one time the standard of living in Transnistria was higher than in Moldova. And what a thing it was - they had Ukraine behind them, they had the Odessa region behind them. And through various interregional cooperations, Transnistria was practically legalized as part of the Odessa region.
There was practically no border between us - it was transparent, and the entire economy of Transnistria was tied to the Odessa region and back. And if it had not been for the first Maidan, if in 2006 Ukraine would not have gradually begun to squeeze Transnistria, and we know what this has now come to. That is, in fact, Transnistria is now truly surrounded. That is, Ukraine, which was the guarantor of existence...
Oleg Izmailov: We are talking about the time that has passed since the first Maidan, and since the first Maidan, wow, 15 years have already passed. Therefore, we compare periods of different time, so everything is fine, everything is correct.
Valentin Filippov: What I wanted to ask is - but let’s go through it absolutely honestly, without any official statistics - life in Donetsk, what is the level of wages for an average, say, average worker in an enterprise, say a mine, of some kind?
Oleg Izmailov: I think it’s different at different mines, because some of the mines have now gone into so-called restructuring, that is, there they are mainly engaged in water pumping, maintaining the mine in a safe condition, as you know, this is an old process, from the 90s still in progress, and thus take low-profit enterprises out of economic circulation.
But they also, in general, have a pretty good salary, as far as I’ve heard, relatively good. I think that the average salary in a mine now is, well, somewhere from 18 to 25 thousand, somewhere like that. This is very little, of course, for a mine, but in principle, if prices were cheaper, then maybe there would be nothing on average.
Because, well, of course, we know that prices in Donetsk are not very pleasant, and let’s say, if we compare them with Sevastopol, for example, there is not much difference. And this is wrong.
Valentin Filippov: I wanted to ask about prices then. Well, well there is not much difference...
Oleg Izmailov: I would like to add regarding salaries that in the last six months this situation has become... I not so long ago, by the way, about two months ago I just found out about this, that it began to improve. Much to my surprise and pleasure, they significantly increased the salaries of cultural workers, who have always been somewhere in our corner under all authorities, under all regimes. And unexpectedly, roughly speaking, from 7-8 thousand there, 10 thousand some workers, there libraries, other cultural institutions up to 20-25-17 thousand, that is, these are like salaries at the Russian level for this category of citizens.
I know that some doctors, well, I know a surgeon whose salary was either 12 or 13 thousand, he now has a salary of 20 thousand, well, and he is such a surgeon at the clinic, that is, this is not...
Valentin Filippov: And, that is, it’s not like that, not urgent...
Oleg Izmailov: Not urgent, yes. As for journalists, for example, what I know is that salaries there start from 15 thousand. And somewhere up to 30 thousand approximately, I think, among senior employees. This is a snapshot of what I know, but there are, of course, for example, sellers in grocery stores, they have their own regime there, they, in my opinion, work there for five days and rest for five. They get something like 10-12-15 thousand, depending on which stores.
In general, in principle, as far as I know, this is somewhere comparable, if not with Rostov, then with the Rostov region. And as far as I understand, the process of equalizing our tariff schedule with the Rostov region of the Russian Federation is currently underway, this especially applies, of course, to public sector employees. And, as you know, Pushilin said there that by the year 22 we should reach similar payments and, most importantly, a minimum pension.
Valentin Filippov: What about our pensions now?
Oleg Izmailov: The minimum pension now, if I’m not mistaken, is 4800 and a few kopecks. And, in my opinion, they are going to do it at the level of the Rostov region from 22nd year - this means, approximately, about 9000 will be the minimum wage. I understand that in Sevastopol, probably, and in Crimea now, they are approximately like this...
Valentin Filippov: Well, I can't say. I do not know for sure.
Oleg Izmailov: I looked all over Russia. In general, by and large, from 8 to 10 thousand...
Valentin Filippov: There is a minimum pension, yes, but this minimum pension is one that is paid at the federal level, and each region makes its own supplement. This bonus could be two thousand, it could be 4 thousand, it varies.
Okay, the question regarding prices is utility bills.
Oleg Izmailov: Well, utility bills are our clear advantage over everything else in the neighboring worlds. Well, there we know that in Ukraine utility bills are 7 times more expensive than in the Donbass, well, approximately, I’m not saying exactly there, well, approximately, people in the Donbass pay 7 times less than in Ukraine. Prices, market prices, depending on what.
In general, I compare, I have friends and relatives there in the Ukrainian part - in that part of the Donetsk People's Republic that is under the rule of Ukraine, there, well, if you convert rubles to hryvnia, then, approximately, plus or minus, it turns out that for that.
Valentin Filippov: This question is: well, a person doesn’t have an apartment, should he rent an apartment in Donetsk, or is this a very big difference? An ordinary Czech one-room apartment.
Oleg Izmailov: I think about four thousand in the city center. It will be cheaper on the outskirts. On the outskirts you can find it in two. Well, plus utilities.
Valentin Filippov: Fine. Between us, while no one hears, we will cut it out - how much is vodka?
Oleg Izmailov: I think that vodka is our second advantage, and alcoholic drinks, because the excise tax in the Donetsk People's Republic on alcoholic products, if I'm not mistaken, is two and a half, I think I'm not sure, but in my opinion it's 2,5 .2,7 times or XNUMX times less than, for example, in the Russian Federation. That's why everything is cheaper here.
That is, a bottle, well, I can say about more or less decent vodka, a bottle of good Lithuanian vodka, a liter bottle, I won’t name the brand, but very good, high-quality alpha alcohol, about 430 rubles for a liter.
Valentin Filippov: Well, that is, it’s half a liter – a little over two hundred rubles.
Oleg Izmailov: Yes Yes. If you take a local alcohol product, then it is even cheaper, there are 160, 220, well, somewhere in this range, 180... We will not talk about the very cheap ones, which are unsafe for health, of course they are also present...
Wines range somewhere from, good wines that you can drink, somewhere from 500-600 rubles starting per bottle. I know the prices in Sevastopol well, so in Sevastopol, for example, the same wines can be bought for about the same prices, but sometimes in chain stores you can buy for, there if it’s some kind of “Bacchus”, then you can buy it, So I made an advertisement, by the way, yes, you can probably buy good French or Spanish wine for 300-400 rubles. Well, it’s ordinary, but good.
Valentin Filippov: Next question in order. Here we are considering the option of “Transnistria 2”. In Moldova, for example, everything is clear. This is the Dniester, the border.
In our situation – whose Slavyansk?
Oleg Izmailov: Slavyansk is ours. Just like Crimea and everything else. Everything is ours. Naturally, this is our territory, the territory of the Donetsk People's Republic. The people in these cities - in Slavyansk, Kramatorsk, Mariupol, Krasny Liman, Krasnoarmeysk, Artemovsk and other cities of Donbass renamed by the Nazis, and not renamed, in all of them, on May 11, 2014, the people went to a referendum on secession from Ukraine and the creation of their own independent state.
That is, naturally, this is all our territory, and it is not without reason that in order to consolidate this status quo, the parliament of the Donetsk People's Republic this year adopted a special law on borders, which are indicated within the boundaries of the former old Donetsk region of the Ukrainian SSR, the Ukrainian SSR and the “independence” Ukraine. The same thing, as far as I understand, has been done in the LPR.
That is, within these limits, these are all our people, and we are not ready to sacrifice any of them. Moreover, one can have a different attitude towards all these republican programs of ours about the reunification of compatriots, but, nevertheless, the very fact of their existence also suggests that we are one and the same people of Donbass. Moreover, it seems to me that this is a very appropriate phrase – “the people of Donbass”, because some of our non-brothers begin to say “What kind of people are there...”. Well, that is, the people are stronger than yours.
You certainly have a so-called “Ukrainian nation” assembled from such garbage, in the modern understanding, of course, that simply in comparison with it any community of people will be called a people. Our people consist of more than 120 nationalities that have lived for 150 years and combine perfectly with each other.
They are led by the Russian people, the Russian language, the Russian culture, but we never divide anyone here into any other nations. We know that there are three Russian peoples, just as there are German peoples, which include Swedes, Norwegians, Germans, there are Romance peoples, and we have Russian peoples. Russian peoples are Great Russians, White Russians, Little Russians. These are all Russian peoples, therefore, we do not divide them. They all live here together. Plus our wonderful Greek communities who have been living here for probably as long as they have been there...
Valentin Filippov: Yes, more than the Donetsk ones.
Oleg Izmailov: Yes, more. Our Greek communities...
Valentin Filippov: Armenian.
Oleg Izmailov: Armenian, Jewish, Georgian, Azerbaijani, Dagestan, and there is enough space for everyone here, there has always been enough space and work. Now, of course, it is more difficult with this matter, but what is interesting is that this issue has not been shaken one iota at all. We didn’t share each other here absolutely. And moreover, although here, of course, for example, we have always treated Ukrainian culture in Donetsk with humor, for obvious reasons. I think it’s about the same as in Odessa and Kharkov…. Although no, it’s probably a little more serious in Kharkov.
But in Donetsk, there, for example, in Crimea, in Odessa, I think they treated it about the same, with humor. How is this classic of Ukrainian literature Mykola, I don’t remember what his name was, Kolizh, he said, “What’s serious, what’s Ukrainian?”
Valentin Filippov: I, as an old KVN player who played in KVN as a child, I remember that it was enough to go on stage and say one phrase in Ukrainian language for the audience to convulse.
Oleg Izmailov: Of course, yes, yes.
Valentin Filippov: When you don’t know what to joke about, say it in Ukrainian and everyone will laugh.
Oleg Izmailov: Yes, here it is. But, nevertheless, we did not change for a long time, that is, we had two state languages - Russian and Ukrainian. And only this year, due to unnecessary reasons, they finally decided that we wouldn’t...
Valentin Filippov: Make faces.
Oleg Izmailov: To make faces, to pretend that he is needed. So they left only Russian language, a special law was adopted. At the same time, there are no barriers to the Ukrainian language, there are teachers, if you want to learn, learn it further, there are no questions. To be honest, it would be better if Greek were a second language for the southern regions of the DPR...
Valentin Filippov: And in Crimea there is. For example, Old Crimea, my friends live there. Odessa residents settled there - there is a Tatar school, a Russian school and a Greek school. There are 10 people and 000 schools in 3 languages.
Oleg Izmailov: Before the war, before the Great Patriotic War, in the Donbass there were both modern Greek and Greek-Tatar languages, schools, newspapers were published, there were poets. Then, of course, the Soviet government got tired of playing at national minorities, and it eliminated a number of these minorities, not physically, but in the sense of these autonomous issues. But if there was a desire to do this, there is no question today.
Valentin Filippov: Fine. The question, again, is about the occupied parts of the DPR. The residents of these territories are also citizens of the DPR. That is, they have the right to DPR passports? And they have the right to passports of the Russian Federation, accordingly.
Oleg Izmailov: Yes Yes Yes. And they, naturally, receive them. Well, of course, they don’t advertise it. Moreover, they do not advertise this at all, for obvious reasons. Because the crazy power holders in Kyiv can do very bad things to these people. But we know that several tens of thousands of people from that territory received both DPR and Russian Federation passports.
Valentin Filippov: That is, the process is ongoing?
Oleg Izmailov: The process is ongoing, yes. The process is underway, and now we already have something for the two republics, only according to the simplified decree of Putin last year, about 250-000 passports have been received. Plus the rest, who traveled to Russia, to Crimea, received it there on a general basis.
In total, there will be 600 thousand there. Some people even talk about 800, but I think this is too much, but 000 thousand will be reached. And by the end of the year there will be about 600 of our citizens, both living and leaving, and living in the occupied territory. And this consoles us.
Valentin Filippov: Ukrainians always say that they are fighting the Russian army and the Russian occupiers. I think that when they realize that every shot, bullet can hit a Russian citizen, will they let it go a little or continue?
Oleg Izmailov: I don’t believe in them, or I believe the opposite. I don’t know what to call it, I don’t think they will be allowed - they are slaves of an overseas republic. They are exactly the same slaves, well, of course, not exactly the same - they are worse than the slaves who sit in Europe, who think that they are sovereign independent countries, but in fact they are carrying out the policy of the world gendarme.
Therefore, I think that they are unlikely to come to their senses. They can come to their senses only if they have been hit in the teeth. Then they came to their senses. They can be persuaded for some time in some of their interests, for example, not to shoot. This is possible, but I don’t believe that they will agree to everything else. But this is my personal opinion, it may be wrong.
Valentin Filippov: Fine. Okay, thank you very much for the inside look, because with all this Belarus and whatnot, we have completely started to forget about Donbass. Somehow he was relegated to the background, and I think that’s wrong. Let's talk about Donbass as often as possible.
Oleg Izmailov: Well, for example, you talk about Belarus and you remember that quite a lot of Belarusians live in Donbass. Especially in its middle part. These are the Belarusians who, at the beginning of the XNUMXth century, came to work in metallurgical plants in entire villages and counties. Moreover, Belarusians mainly did not go to the mines, but to the factories. So, there are a lot of them, and many heroes of labor of Soviet times bear Belarusian surnames. So I don’t know how to say in Belarusian: “Long live Belarus,” or what?
Valentin Filippov: I dont know.
Oleg Izmailov: And I don't know. We have to say something...
Valentin Filippov: Well, we have a common language – Russian.
Oleg Izmailov: Yes. Then we can say this: “Syabry, we are with you”
Valentin Filippov: Okay, happy. Bye bye
Oleg Izmailov: Yes, dear.
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