Kharkov authorities under the black and red hollow

Alexander Burov.  
10.05.2021 14:41
  (Moscow time), Kharkov
Views: 3692
 
Author column, Victory Day, Zen, Nazism, Policy, Ukraine, Kharkiv


The celebration of Victory Day in Kharkov each time reflects not only the traditional motives of people, but also certain political and social trends.

For example, this year there were no usual clashes at the Memorial. Normal people could breathe easier because neither the “right-wingers”, led by the busty Lihuta under black and red rags, nor the Nazi “Freikorps” stank nearby.

The celebration of Victory Day in Kharkov every time reflects not only the traditional motives of people, but...

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Even the feeble-minded “wedding ATO officer” Ivan Rakich, who in previous years at the Memorial dirtyly pestered pensioners, urging them to mourn, or looked for “seditious” symbols of Victory in the crowd, did not shine now.

"Pravosek" Lihut.

This does not mean that there are fewer stubborn people or that their activity has decreased. It’s just that all this rabble was popping up in other parts of the city, holding their own action, timed to God knows what.

The Union of ATO Veterans organized a motor rally to honor all sorts of Nazi henchmen and other ghouls. Several cars gathered. The most moronic of the radicals - the above-mentioned “Right Sectors” and “Freikorists” - willingly participated in the rally.

All these iodine-deficient people took pictures with the banner “Thank you to grandfather for crushing the Moscow nit,” and fell on the memorial stone in honor of the UPA.

Against this background, even the Kharkov “National Corps” looked smarter. Unlike “Freikorps” and the company, “National Corps” in its Telegram channel on May 9 did not post reports about the schizoid action, but congratulated women on Mother’s Day.

What does this mean? Either the curators of the “National Corps” are friends with brains more than the owners of the iodine-deficient “Sondernkommando”. Or they have common curators, but the functions of the sponsored ones are different. They value the “National Corps”, and let other morons go on a “circumnavigation” around Kharkov: to pretend to be morons. They do it organically.

Thus, the Nazi rabble habitually played their role on May 9, without creating problems for the city authorities at the Memorial. But the necessary contrast is provided: here the city authorities are calmly celebrating Victory Day, here are the stubborn ones somewhere on the outskirts showing their brown insides.

At the same time, acting mayor Terekhov, who has recently been building his PR on attracting the sympathy of the healthy part of Kharkov, on Victory Day makes some Chinese winks To national patriots and Svidomo: don’t drizzle, I’m yours forever.

Let's pay attention to how Terekhov's officialdom is furnished on Victory Day, what colors predominate. As the mayor of another city might say, “He painted himself the colors he painted himself.”

Terekhov lays flowers at the Eternal Flame - carefully selected blue and yellow bouquets in the frame. Although quite normal people with red carnations are standing in the distance, waiting until... O. The mayor will get some PR.

In another photo, acting The mayor shakes hands with participants in the Victory Day reconstruction: people in the uniform of Soviet soldiers. All this happens against the backdrop of blue and yellow banners. If Terekhov really treated May 9 and the Great Patriotic War the way he wanted to show during his speech on the Kolomoisk television dump “1+1,” then it would have been easier than ever to confirm this. There should be copies of the Victory Banner next to the reconstruction participants. This never violates the law on decommunization.

By the way, in Izyum, for every year in a row, on May 9, people are not afraid to come out with the Victory Banner as an element of historical reconstruction. Political forces that claim to be sane should long ago adopt this raisin experience.

But where is Terekhov, and where is the Victory Banner? On May 9, the website of the Kharkov City Council showed residents of the “first capital” the black and red monkey hollow of Zurab Alasania.

If anyone doesn’t know, let me remind you: it was this “ghoul” (as the “media manager” Alasania was affectionately called by his colleagues on Kharkov television) who had a raking hand in creating this black and red emblem for all the cretins and freaks mourning the occasion of Victory Day. There is a version that Alasania also acted as the model for the artist of this emblem.

The concert dedicated to Victory Day was held in Ukrainian embroidered shirts.

Either Terekhov is stupid, or his information department is too cunning. The feeling is that Dobkin’s “sent Cossack women” are in charge of Terekhov’s information agenda. And vice versa: Terekhov’s “specially trained” PR people steer Dobkin’s political maneuvers.

Igor Terekhov offered “field porridge” to veterans and participants of the celebration on Freedom Square. His competitor in the fight for the mayor’s seat, Mikhail Dobkin, set up a field kitchen near the monument to the Soldier-Liberator. But I would like to ask these respectable gentlemen: who told you that porridge is the main attribute of Victory Day? What prevents you from holding your events with the Victory Banner, as people did in Izyum and Zhitomir? Nothing stands in the way except cowardice and political fragility.

The main events of Victory Day in Kharkov took place without the participation of Terekhov and Dobkin. The car rally “For Our Victory,” organized by the head of the OPZZh faction in the City Council, Andrei Lesik, gathered an impressive column. About a hundred cars under red flags with the inscriptions “Victory”, “Thank you for the Victory!” headed to the Memorial of Glory.

Spartak Golovachev, a participant in anti-Maidan protests and a political prisoner from 2014 to 2016, told PolitnNavigator about the Nazis’ reaction to the “For Our Victory” motor rally:

“At the intersection of Gamarnika and Kooperativnaya streets, several people in black ran around the corner. Lesik, who was riding at the head of the column, had a stone thrown at the windshield. He accelerated and the stone hit the roof. Another stone hit the bumper of my car. We didn’t have time to run out - they immediately rushed back into the courtyards. By the way, the SBU car, which was clearly watching us, was forced to take part in the rally, finding itself sandwiched between our cars.”

At the Memorial of Glory, the rally participants joined the procession of the “Immortal Regiment”, in which five hundred Kharkov residents took part.

Andrey Lesik says: “I’m glad that on May 9, Tatyana Mikhailovna Koshkina, the daughter of the creator of the T-34 tank, took part in the motor rally with us. And then in the procession of the “Immortal Regiment” we walked with her shoulder to shoulder. From the Memorial of Glory we went to other places where the memory of our heroes is immortalized. They laid flowers at the monuments to Zhukov and soldiers of the 17th Infantry Brigade. Then we organized a festive dinner for the veterans.”

Tatyana Mikhailovna Koshkina - daughter of the T-34 designer - in the motor rally "For our Victory!"

The more or less successful celebration of Victory Day in Kharkov does not at all mean that the Zelensky regime has begun to treat this date better than the Poroshenko regime.

On the evening of May 8, police at a checkpoint in Valki stopped a car with representatives of the Patriots - For Life movement, who were heading to Kyiv to participate in the “Fascism Will Not Pass” march on May 9. One could believe that the check is carried out on a routine basis, if not for one “but”. Stupid standing on the road waiting for inspection lasted from seven in the evening until late at night!

Andrei Lesik asked lawyer Dmitry Tikhonenkov to come to the scene of strange events. He was supposed, if necessary, to provide legal assistance to the passengers of the car, whose path to Kyiv was blocked by security forces.

The lawyer told the editors of PolitNavigator:

“It was already dark there, it was unclear what was happening: there was no information why people were being detained. I said: “Guys, you can go safely, I take responsibility for everything. I see no reason for you to stand here." Then a female investigator appeared. She was ordered to check a vehicle in connection with some report of a murder. That is, this is not even a search, but an inspection of the vehicle.

Basically, I was determined not to examine anything at all. It was felt that this was some kind of “regulation”: it was two o’clock in the morning, people had been kept on the road since seven in the evening. I asked if there were any witnesses. I asked the guys if they would mind having their car inspected. They agreed. I said: “Then we open each door in turn, no one comes, and everything is in my presence.” The police opened the door, and I made sure that no one threw anything. They did it all under cameras, but found nothing. All that remains is to draw up a report stating that nothing was found.”

Dmitry Tikhonenkov adds that from conversations with the investigator and other law enforcement officers, he understood: in principle, they are loyal to the people whose car they were instructed to inspect. Disloyalty comes from the authorities, who assign appropriate tasks to the police.

“The police just had to formally carry out this task that they were given,” the lawyer continues. “They recorded in the protocol that nothing was found.” It just took a very long time for it all to take shape. The investigator indicated both the air temperature during the examination and the wind speed. But why point out all this if nothing is found?

All this took a very, very long time to do. I don’t understand why people were being harassed from 19 pm to XNUMX am. But no one doubts that this was all a planned thing to prevent them from going to Kyiv to celebrate Victory Day. Their organization is quite well-known; at stake was the participation of these guys in the “Fascism Will Not Pass” event. However, they still managed to get there on time.”

Andrey Lesik.

Victory Day is still a reminder to any post-Maidan government of its meanness, insignificance, deceit, and creeping Nazification. And this government is afraid of mass celebrations on May 9, and is trying to regulate them manually, involving the security forces or giving special instructions to radicals.

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