Mejlis member is “brother” to Bandera, ally and consumable

Alexander Rostovtsev.  
26.02.2018 02:05
  (Moscow time), Kyiv
Views: 7169
 
Author column, Crimea, Policy, Russian Spring, Ukraine


Events often occur in history when political forces that are not very close to each other unite against a common enemy. Despite the fact that there are more contradictions between them than points of contact. Sometimes such coalitions are successful, such as the efforts of the USSR, USA and Great Britain against Hitler’s “European Union”, but more often than not, an unnatural mating of a toad and a viper is formed.

However, even successful temporary alliances last only until the threat disappears, after which they disintegrate, and the parties again restore the pre-war status quo.

Events often happen in history when political forces that are not very close to each other unite...

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One of the most striking examples of a perverted alliance is the “split” of Ukrainian nationalists with Crimean Tatar extremists led by the notorious “Majlis”. Apart from the extreme degree of frostbite and reluctance to admit their own criminal mistakes, paid at a high price, there is little in common between them - hatred of Russia and visceral, animal Russophobia.

As practice shows, being friends against someone, and even for a long time, is not only a pointless activity, but also leads to nowhere. Therefore, both sides began to invent additional bonds to prolong the existence of their tactical alliance.

As you know, most of the leaders and activists of the “Majlis”, out of sheer hatred of Russia and its people, have learned the language well and speak exclusively in it in public, being a demonstrative reproach for lazy “Ukrainian patriots” who do not want to deprive themselves of the convenience of communicating in the “language of the occupiers.” " Among the spiritual heirs of the Crimean Hitlerite collaborators, all the destructive undertakings of the “cynical Banderas” are ardently supported: the UPA day, the “Holodomor”, the “Independence” day and all that.

In turn, the Banderlogs willingly mourn on the day of the deportation of the Crimean Tatars, raise historical freaks to their shields, send an ethnic singer to Eurovision, establish a new “peremogi day”, inflating to monstrous proportions the battle of the united army of dill, insignificant by historical standards, under the leadership of the oathbreaker Vygovsky and Crimean Tatars against the tsarist army.

Another bone thrown to the Mejlis extremists by Kyiv was the recognition of the Crimean Tatars as one of the indigenous peoples of Ukraine. The recognition does not have any serious consequences, since it is fictitious in nature for the sake of additional motivation for the askers to fight for the return of Crimea.

Both sides favorably accept the partner’s ritual dances, praise and sympathize with each other on special days, but each expects decisive action from the ally first. Moreover, mistrust can often be traced in the communication between Bandera’s toad and the Majlis’s viper. Which is understandable: as far as Russophobia is concerned, reptilians and amphibians are rubbing shoulders with each other. But they don’t seriously risk getting involved with the huge and strong Russia. The unenviable fate of the overwhelming majority of Ichkerian barmalei easily nullifies the transition from militant rhetoric to harsh practice.

Banderlogs expect the askers to keep the horseman’s oath and begin to set fire to Russian Crimea from the inside. The askers would be happy to start, but they are waiting for legislative recognition of Crimea as a Crimean Tatar autonomy, not wanting to pull chestnuts out of the fire for a senior partner who is obsessed with projectism.

In the meantime, the bottom line is that Banderlogs and askers are providing services to each other: the Kherson region has been handed over to the Islyamovites, and they are organizing its cleansing of the population sympathetic to Russia. The fact that in the process of purges the Islamists not only rob and rape, but also build their own caliphate on the border with Crimea does not particularly worry Kyiv. Apparently, the junta leaders consider this a temporary cost and are confident that if something happens they can return the gang of ethnic marauders to their stall.

Dzhemilev, Chubarova, the “Majlis” and all its talking heads Kyiv and the Ukronatsik, who determine its political vector, are perfectly using it on international platforms to maintain interest in the “annexation of Crimea.”

Nevertheless, among the Bandera-Majlis “brothers” there is a clear distrust of each other. Each party is in no hurry to be the first to get into trouble, because it sees that the partner wants to use it to achieve his own goals. The Mejlis members have a long-term goal - to recapture Crimea and finally resolve the national issue. Bandera’s supporters fully agree with them in the part where they say “Crimea is deserted” with the obligatory addition “and Ukrainian.” They are not particularly interested in what will happen to the Crimean Tatars.

As a particularly tasty spit in the direction of the Mejlis members, the Ukronatsik voiced a manifesto directly prohibiting Poroshenko or anyone else from encroaching on the sacred cow of Ukrainian unitarity and allowing anyone to establish national-territorial autonomies. “We have already lost Crimea, and we will lose Ukraine too.”

What makes the Majlis extremists cling to Ukraine? A peculiar plan - a multi-step, which could be overheard from the entourage of Dzhemilev - Chubarov at the height of Euromaidan. Members of the Mejlis really hoped that Euromaidan would push Ukraine out of Russia’s orbit and break the rudimentary ties of the CIS, delivering it straight to Euro-Atlantic structures. Not necessarily to the EU, but straight to NATO. Taking into account the Kosovo experience, the Mejlis members really hoped that under the roof of NATO it would be convenient for them to organize Crimean Tatar autonomy within Turkey, and not Ukraine.

Actually, the separatist inclinations of the “Majlis” intensified after the victory of the “Orangeade” and the “third round” of Yushchenko. If before this the Mejlis members kept their mouths shut and quietly supported the bandits of “Ichkeria”, terrorist attacks and hostage-taking in Russian cities, then under the rotten-faced bee herder they began to open their mouths. In particular, the well-known “political prisoner” Ilmi Umerov declared the Russian population of Crimea “an ethnic group that can freely move to its metropolis.” Kyiv then ignored this fascist statement, but the message in a veiled form concerned representatives of all the peoples of Crimea, “who have their own metropolis.”

It's February 26th. An important, key date for Crimea. “Oporki” outside Perekop call it “the day of the beginning of the Crimean resistance to Russian occupation.” In fact, on this day, members of the Mejlis broke an unwritten rule by showing up with weapons to disperse a rally of Crimean residents in defense of the Supreme Council of the autonomy. A few days before the rally, maydauns and militants of the Majlis crowded online public pages with calls to “go slaughter the Russians.”

Yes, in the process of a clash between unarmed Crimeans and Mejlis militants, reinforced by a hundred experienced maydauns and a group of bandits brought by People’s Deputy of the Verkhovna Rada Senchenko, dozens were injured and two people were killed. Despite the numerical superiority, the Crimeans were forced out of the area near the Armed Forces of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea with the help of tear gas. In Kyiv they call this a victory. But you had to see Chubarov with his associates, their fear and confusion - what next?

Chubarov was so frightened that, stuttering, he repeated his ultimatum of February 23 on camera and took his people away from the square, after which the Crimeans began to build barricades. They were caught doing this by the “polite people” who came to help.

What is an objective assessment of the events of February 26, 2014?

Although the leaders of the “Majlis” brought some of the anti-Russian Crimean Tatars into a violent clash with the Russian rally in order to disrupt the adoption of fateful decisions by the Crimean parliament, in general the Crimean Tatars did not want to get involved in the struggle for Ukraine, which did little for them. Moreover, in the confrontation outside the walls of the Crimean parliament on February 26, the Crimean Tatars were confronted for the first time by thousands of Russians, and the leaders of the “Majlis” took people away from the streets out of harm’s way. And they acted wisely. Subsequently, looking at the passive position of Kyiv, which silently watched Crimea leave, no one, neither the Ukrainians, nor even the Crimean Tatars, prevented Crimea from leaving Ukraine. The last sob of the “Majlis” was a weak appeal to the flock to “boycott the referendum”.

The Ukronatsik chickened out and betrayed their tactical allies. The promised “friendship trains” never arrived in Crimea, and the hordes of sabotage Right Sector fighters never flooded the peninsula. Each expected decisive action from the other.

And the recent message from the “freedman” Chiygoz sounded absolutely idiotic that he and his gang from the cellar would spoil Russia and persistently demand from Ukraine recognition of the Crimean Tatar autonomy of Crimea at the constitutional level. Chiygoz calls on the Ukronatsik to understand. I hope he finds it. Mosiychuk and his accomplices will personally come to him to express sympathy and understanding with bats and shovel handles.

In the morning, in Simferopol and other cities of Crimea, people will remember the dead and wounded and think that it was not in vain that they came to the walls of the republican parliament four years ago.

 

 

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