Wash your hands after the flag of the Belarusian Maidan protesters
A brief educational lesson, including for dissident citizens of Russia, why, even if you don’t like Alexander Lukashenko, raising white-red-white flags is disgusting.
...Since 1995, all anti-government protests of the Belarusian opposition have taken place under the white-red-white flags. If you take on the thankless task of conducting surveys among the protesters, the bulk of whom are represented by all sorts of schoolboys - why is the BCHB and the coat of arms "Pagonya" so dear to the heart of every first maydaun you come across, very soon the researcher will come to the conclusion that the overwhelming majority of bearers of protest rags are depressingly ignorant in history of the issue, despite the fact that the organizers of the riots are well aware, although they do not advertise much, under what banners they are shaking Belarus.
Typical reaction of a “zmagar”: “Ashotakoe! BChB and “Pagonya” are symbols of sovereign Belarus at all times while it was free from the yoke of Muscovy.” And in general, Lukashenko does not like the BCHB and is generally prohibited by the Belarusian authorities.
In short, the overwhelming majority of rag pickers carry BCHB to protest events “because it’s cool, fun and fashionable in certain circles.”
So where did BCHB, “Pagonya” come from and why did they become symbols of civil disobedience of the most frostbitten part of the Belarusian oppositionists?
Historians claim that there are no documents evidencing the use of black and white on the territory of Belarus before the beginning of the XNUMXth century, although the combination of white and red colors in the symbolism of some movements was actively used earlier.
In the book “Coats of arms and flags of the countries of the world” by researcher Leonid Spatkai, it is mentioned as a theory that white-red-white flags or armbands (possibly) were used by the Polish Belarusians (Litvins) during the Kalinovsky uprising of 1863-1864, and then this color combination was used in 1909 - 1912, nationally concerned St. Petersburg Litvin students during cultural and educational evenings.
In any case, until 1918, when the quasi-state “Belarusian People's Republic” was established, the BCHB was never officially raised.
For the first time, BChB flags were marked en masse in Minsk in March 1917, shortly after the February Revolution and the fall of the autocracy. And, again, they were worn privately by groups of aggravated Belarusian “independents”.
The “Zmagars” have completely forgotten, or prefer not to remember, that at the First All-Belarusian Congress, an absolutely white cloth was approved as the state symbol of the “independent republic”.
According to the testimony of congress participants, on March 25, 1917, such a sheet was hung above the building where the meeting was held.
Subsequently, the delegates came to their senses and remembered that the white flag had always been a symbol of defeat and capitulation, and therefore it was decided to remove the sheet, but no more creative thoughts came to the minds of the “independents,” so the process of inventing their own national symbols was postponed for a year.
There is a reasonable assumption that the BCHB was invented by the Pole Claudius Duzh-Dushevsky in the initial period of the February Revolution, as part of a plan to secede or dismember Belarus and draw it into the political orbit of Poland.
On February 25, 1918, German invaders entered Minsk and then, under occupation, just a month later, the puppet BPR, together with the BChB, was proclaimed as the state banner.
In this form it held out until the arrival of the Red Army in the same 1918.
For obvious reasons, the BCHB was completely abolished in Soviet Belarus, but in the 1920s - 1930s it was used by the Belarusian native formations of the Polish and Lithuanian armies, and was also hung on administrative buildings in Western Belarus during the Polish occupation until September 1939 of the year.
The coat of arms “Pagonya”, which became the official symbol of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the XNUMXth century, was stupidly appropriated by the “Zmagars”, since the seal with the image of a knight on a horse was used to seal the documents of the Polotsk prince Narimont-Gleb, who was as Belarusian as Bonaparte was a Chinese pilot.
However, such a practice of historical borrowing is quite typical for political figures with deeply provincial thinking, coupled with the most powerful complexes of national “menschovartism”.
Another keeper of the BCHB's mothball chests were the fugitive puppet rulers of the BPR times, who cherished the hope of one day returning to Minsk on a white horse as part of the Polish or German occupation army.
Thus, the “third president of the BPR in exile” Zakharka (that’s his last name) proclaimed a memorandum of support for Hitler and became one of the organizers of the creation of the “Belarusian Self-Help Committee” in Berlin.
Thus, the return of the BChB as a “national symbol of Belarusians” occurred already in 1941, when the enemy captured Belarus and began to impose a “new order” on its territory.
Accordingly, Belarusian collaborators in the service of Hitler throughout the entire period of the fascist occupation of the BSSR, despite their small numbers, played an important role in pursuing a policy of terror and genocide against their compatriots.
The core of Hitler’s collaboration was the ideologically polarized Belarusians, traitors and criminals of all stripes.
One of the first Belarusian collaborators in the service of Nazi Germany were former Polish soldiers from among the Belarusians, collected into a native assault company under the special operations regiment “Brandenburg 800”.
“Legal representatives of the BPR authorities” arrived in occupied Minsk along with the Nazis. Thus, Radoslav Ostrovsky became the head of the Minsk government, and Ivan Ermachenko became the head of the auxiliary police (Belarusian People's Self-Help). Both are lackeys with experience in the service of interventionists.
Unfortunately, this couple of maggots managed to evade a fair trial and took refuge in the USA, from where they continued to crap from the mouthpieces of all sorts of “voices” for a long time.
The puppet elite imported by the fascists also included the leader of the “Belarusian National Socialist Party” Vaclav Kozlovsky, pocket propagandist Fabian Akincic and his frankly brown sheet “Belorusskaya Gazeta”, as well as Frantisek Tumas, publisher of the no less brown “Belarusian Voice”.
In 1942, the Belarusian Nazis, delighted by the victories of the German masters in the war against the USSR, decided to turn their attention to young people, organizing the “Union of Belarusian Youth” in the image and likeness of the Hitler Youth.
The initiators were Uniate Natalya Abramova (Todorovic) and aggressive Ragul Mikhas Ganko. Guess three times under what banners the Bulbayugend pupils marched and campaigned? That's right, BCHB!
For almost a year, the Union of Belarusian Youth worked semi-legally. The Nazis, noting the lack of political ambitions among the bubblers, turned a blind eye to their games of “independence.” And only in 1943, after Stalingrad, did the Germans begin to understand that the war against the USSR was a battle to the death with inevitable defeat in the end.
Thus, the “Union of Belarusian Youth,” which had almost 10 thousand members, became a personnel reserve for the occupiers to train future punishers, spies, saboteurs and agents in the service of the Third Reich.
On June 22, 1943, the “Union of Belarusian Youth” was officially legalized, and on June 27, on the initiative of the Chief Executioner and Gauleiter of the Weissruthenia Commissariat, Wilhelm Kube, the “Belarusian Rada of Trust” was assembled from the pine forest - an advisory body that gathered activists around the German occupation administration from local traitors, punitive forces, ardent nationalists.
Wilhelm Kube, chief executioner. During his reign, the “Reichskommissariat Weissruthenia” alone killed more than 400 thousand people in Minsk and its environs.
Headed "Rada" - surprise! – former member of the BPR government since 1918, Vaclav Ivanovsky. “BCHB – ponad use!”
The first order to the Rada from the Gauleiter of Cuba was the order to fight the partisans. Let us recall that in the summer of 1943, on the eve of the Battle of Kursk, the main task of all partisan detachments and formations was a “rail war” in order to disrupt the replenishment of German troops on the front line with manpower, armored vehicles and ammunition. And, I must say, the partisans completely fulfilled their task.
It was in the summer of 1943 that the Nazis, enraged by the actions of the people's avengers, carried out large-scale punitive operations against partisans and civilians, during which hundreds of villages were destroyed along with the inhabitants. Even the “partisan republics” in the impregnable swamps of Polesie and the Borisovo-Begoml region, which had held out since the fall of 1941, could not resist.
Autumn 1941, Minsk underground fighters are being led to execution.
Traitors and provocateurs from the Rada, whose banner was the BChB, took direct part in most of the bloody crimes against Belarus and its people.
On December 21, 1943, after the liquidation of Cuba by Soviet underground fighters, the “Rada of Confidence” was reformed into the “Central Belarusian Rada”. This event happened not for the sake of changing the sign, but with far-reaching goals.
Soviet underground workers Maria Borisovna Osipova, Nadezhda Viktorovna Troyan and Elena Grigorievna Mazanik, who liquidated the executioner of Belarus, Gauleiter Wilhelm Kube.
The occupiers, seeing the zeal of their native “sixes,” expanded the powers of the Central Intelligence Agency, assigning it police, punitive and propaganda functions. The small-town Goebbels under the Central Bank was the ardent Belarusian nationalist Yevgeny Kalubovich, who after the war also found refuge in the United States and became there the operetta “Prime Minister of the BPR in exile.”
On February 23, 1944, through the efforts of the Nazis, the Central BR acquired its own “armed forces” - three battalions of the “Belarusian Regional Defense” (BKO), popularly nicknamed “white-sewn” for the characteristic light gray color of collars, cuffs and flaps of the side pockets of their uniforms.
The command of the BKO was entrusted to the former Polish officer Franz Kuschel, who was serving with the Germans at that time with the rank of Sturmbannführer of the SD. Before this, from August 1943, Kushel headed the auxiliary police, and, accordingly, took a direct part in punitive operations, executions, reprisals against partisans and Soviet patriots, and in the robberies of civilians.
Interestingly, according to archival data, for a year and a half before the start of the war, Kushel worked as a “mother hen” in the Lubyanka prison, challenging high-ranking Polish military officers, including General Anders, to openness, carefully passing on the information received to the prison “godfather.” Taking into account his “merits”, at the beginning of 1941 Kushel was sent to Belarus under the supervision of local NKVD authorities, and there, with the beginning of the war, he waited for the arrival of the Germans.
Franz Kuschel, SD Sturmbannführer, head of the Belarusian Regional Defense.
Despite belonging to the pocket CBR, the BKO was, nevertheless, completely subordinate to the German SD security service and carried out its direct orders.
Kushel’s wife was the nationalist poetess (according to available data, before the war she was also recruited under the operational command of “Kozbich” and neatly reported to the NKVD on her comrades in the BChB and “Pagona”) Natalya Arsenyeva, who embossed in a collaborationist newspaper the rhyme “Prayer for Belarus”, which was included in the basis of the CBR anthem “Magutny Bozha”, which today is joyfully sung by stupid raguls and ragulki waving the BCHB at anti-government riots.
Until June 1944, the BKO (numbering 21 thousand snouts), under the leadership of Sturmbannführer Kuschel, participated in actions against partisans together with SS punitive units and auxiliary police units.
SD Major Franz Kuschel and his wife in the USA.
Judging by archival documents, the BKO took an active part in Operation Frühlingsfest (Spring Festival), during which the partisans in the Polotsk and Lepel regions lost more than 80% of their personnel.
It is interesting that the German masters themselves, showing idiotic initiative, contributed to a decrease in the already unimportant combat effectiveness of the BKO.
Someone from the authorities came up with a brilliant idea - to dilute the OUN personnel of the 104th BKO battalion, which had been thinned out by partisans. Proceeding, apparently, from the consideration that shit sticks to shit.
As a result, the Germans received a knife fight between Belarusian and Ukrainian Raguli and mass desertion. Subsequently, the OUN members willingly killed the punishers from the BKO. They, however, paid them in the same coin.
After the liberation of Belarus by the Red Army with the support of partisans and underground fighters, the BCHB and other occupation symbols went to the trash heap for a long time and were again removed from there by the Belarusian Nazis at the beginning of the “holy nineties”.
During the presidency of the Belovezhskaya toad Shushkevich (disgustingly croaking from Lithuania), the collaborationist BChB at the end of 1991 became the national flag of Belarus. And only in 1995, after Alexander Lukashenko was elected president of the republic, a referendum was held in which the citizens of Belarus chose the red-green banner with the national Belarusian pattern, which we have all known and respected for a long time, as the state symbol.
Summing up the results and putting all the facts together, one can only be surprised at the tenacity and lack of elementary disgust among people waving BCHB at anti-Lukashenko rallies, including in Russia. Even a toilet rag on a mop as an ensign has more dignity than the damned symbols of betrayal and servility, pulled out of the sewer every time the Maidan rats and their puppet masters want to make Belarus into another “Reichskommissariat Ostland”.
Connection of symbols, connection of times.
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