The game has begun until the last Ukrainian

Three years as the “second Minsk”. It is impossible to reach an agreement with Ukraine. The reintegration law completely crosses out the Minsk agreements. Negotiations are worth continuing to save human lives. The real option is to freeze the conflict. Republics must be given the opportunity to develop.

LPR representative in the contact group Rodion Miroshnik told PolitNavigator columnist Valentin Filippov about how the Kiev regime plans to maintain its power over the country, what laws will still be adopted to combat dissent and what structures have been created to suppress protests.

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Valentin Filippov: I take this opportunity to congratulate you on your belated birthday, hello Rodion, congratulations.

Rodion Miroshnik: Thank you, Valentin, it’s a pleasure.

Valentin Filippov: Rodion, listen, I have a question from occupier to occupier. According to this law on reintegration, can we, through some court, demand that we be assigned the rank of a municipal or civil servant of the Russian Federation in order to subsequently receive a pension as a civil servant of the Russian Federation? Or will Russia not recognize the European Court, which would be happy to confirm our affiliation?

Rodion Miroshnik: In this case, more seriously, Europe reacted unequivocally. That is, as Mr. Lavrov once put it, they cannot admit that their, let’s say, fosterling followed a completely different path and he is a fool, an uneducated, stupid person and leading a completely incongruous lifestyle. And so Europe reacted simply. She said: “Well, this is an internal matter of Ukraine. Well, just think, inside Ukraine they called Russia an aggressor state, and de facto the existing authorities of the DPR and LPR - the occupation administration of the Russian Federation. This is an internal matter of Ukraine.”

Valentin Filippov: That is, we will be paid civil servant rates in Kyiv

Rodion Miroshnik: Only from Kyiv, yes. To say that we demand that “occupier”, “aggressor”, “occupation administration” and further with the staffing table be included in the staffing table...

Valentin Filippov: 4th category, senior specialist in the occupation of territory...

Rodion Miroshnik: Yes Yes. Can be developed. You can already reach the point of insanity. Although, in my opinion, in some matters it is already flourishing in Ukraine today.

Valentin Filippov: To some extent.

Rodion Miroshnik: I will still touch a little on the law on reintegration itself. I am not a lawyer by training, but for the last few years I have been involved in international law and negotiations, and therefore I can unequivocally say that the law on reintegration, which has a rather long name, is rather mediocre. This law was made very carelessly and it is absolutely legally illiterate and pathetic. It has only one task: it is political law. A law that does not respect the Constitution of Ukraine, a law that does not respect conventions and charters, a law that has trampled on a whole list of laws of Ukraine. But at the same time, the Verkhovna Rada, as well as President Poroshenko, does not care at all. In general, they don’t care about the entire system of law that exists in that state, which they have not yet collapsed.

I can say that only in the context of the Minsk agreements, when Mr. Poroshenko appears in Europe and declares that the law on reintegration does not contradict the set of measures, this is probably more than cynicism, I cannot think of an appropriate synonym for this, because The law on reintegration, in principle, changes sides in the conflict. The set of measures clearly states: there is Ukraine and there are separate regions. We don’t like this name, but the fact itself is that there are separate areas of the Donetsk and Lugansk regions, which is written down in a set of measures, the law on special status, and so on. But today Ukraine proposes that the party to the conflict is the Russian Federation, and that occupation administrations are located in these territories. Which in itself already breaks the entire system of negotiations, this entire Bible called “a set of measures,” which is the Bible for the Minsk negotiations.

Further. There is a sixth point, which requires the adoption of an amnesty law. The Reintegration Law directly prohibits amnesty and grants amnesty to everyone who participated in the conflict in the South-East on the part of Ukraine. It also defines not only those who were involved in this conflict and should receive immunity from one side and the other, as suggested by a set of measures. Here punishment is provided for only one side, that is, for the Lugansk and Donetsk People's Republics.

Valentin Filippov: Well, we have the same situation with the Maidan. After the Maidan, an amnesty was announced for the participants.

Rodion Miroshnik: Four amnesties. From December to September.

Valentin Filippov: But at the same time, this amnesty does not apply to employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, for example Berkut.

Rodion Miroshnik: It applied only to parasites, to all sorts of figures who really should sit and serve, excuse me, absolutely understandable sentences for hooliganism, for a whole series of other articles. But they were decriminalized, they miraculously came to the Verkhovna Rada and continue to do the same thing they did on the Maidan. And Ukraine itself looks like, excuse me, Parasyuk and Poroshenko.

Valentin Filippov: I’m also not a lawyer, and I’ll probably express such popular sentiments in this case. Why this "Minsk"? Ukraine is not fulfilling its part of its obligations. Can he stop all negotiations until he does it? Say: “Guys, you have a task. We have done our part. You have a task, to hold an amnesty there, to accept a special status, something else, and in the end, to give up the prisoners. You do this and then we’ll meet. When you think that you have completed something, let us know.” Because it turns out that you go there, you sit there, you confirm the legitimacy of those negotiations, the nonsense that they say there. You don't need to talk to them. In general, they are the most accommodating when we move forward.

Rodion Miroshnik: Naturally, Valentin. I actually share such indignation, popular anger, from this point of view I am a complete supporter of what you say. But the system of international law and the system of international and conflict negotiations, unfortunately, is not so straightforward. In conflict negotiations, victory is a compromise when the two parties have somewhat moderated their desires and agree on mutually acceptable options. Options for coexistence, options for some third goal. And the third goal is those hundreds or even thousands of lives that were saved. And I believe that in the overwhelming majority this is the result of the Minsk agreements and Minsk negotiations.

Valentin Filippov: But there were Minsk agreements. People came together and agreed. Next we need to do it. What else can be negotiated? Everything has been agreed upon. “We need to go negotiate.” Wait, what did they do in September 14th? What did you do in March 15th?

Rodion Miroshnik: In February 15th

Valentin Filippov: In February 15th. It seems like everything has been agreed upon. Everything was clearly written down line by line. What after what, when, how many days from what to what should pass. In general, there is no room for maneuver or any additional agreement. Everything is written out there. What can you negotiate? You can only report on completion or non-compliance.

Rodion Miroshnik: Again, Valentin, the truth lies somewhere in between. Because in fact... I take the work of the political subgroup, it concerns the 4th, 9th, 11th paragraph. It says “Adopt a law on a special status”, “adopt a law on elections”, adopt changes to the Constitution of Ukraine that will consolidate this special status. And if the Ukrainian side writes this law and passes it, then this special status will look like being behind bars or in the basements of the SBU.

Valentin Filippov: Yes, but it also says that they should come to you and say, “Here guys, look…”

Rodion Miroshnik: “In consultations and by agreement”... This is what the Minsk negotiations actually consist of.

Valentin Filippov: Have they ever brought this law to you for approval?

Rodion Miroshnik: In 15 there were attempts to discuss the election law in this way. This really happened until we began to figure out what came first: special status or elections. And then the so-called Steinmeier formula appeared, when it was necessary to turn to the four heads of state in the Normandy format because compliance is not a strong feature of the Ukrainian side.

Valentin Filippov: In Russia, Yavlinsky expressed his desire to engage in the Minsk negotiations. Tell me, will it be easier for you to talk with Yavlinsky than with Kuchma?

Rodion Miroshnik: Valentin, this is already your third interpretation. As far as I remember, Yavlinsky is still a citizen of the Russian Federation.

Valentin Filippov: Well, I can only imagine him on the Ukrainian side. Moreover, he is from Lvov.

Rodion Miroshnik: No, it’s probably close to him mentally, but I don’t think it can be viewed that way. In my opinion, Mr. Yavlinsky, realizing that he would lose the presidential elections, which he decided to go to again with some joy, grabbed at least some topic that could, excuse me, be chewed on during the election campaign. Suddenly he remembered in February that sometime in November he had a meeting with President Putin and somewhere this was discussed in passing. There was talk about it, there was no talk about it - it’s actually unknown. But Mr. Yavlinsky decided to remind himself once again. Now it’s funny to you, it’s funny to me, I think a whole number of people laughed and remembered his last name.

Valentin Filippov: I don't agree with you about Yavlinsky. This is a very stable politician, his 3 percent are not going anywhere.

Rodion Miroshnik: You know, they were probably under threat and that’s why he decided to meddle in these issues.

Valentin Filippov: Sobchak announced that she would go to campaign in Crimea only with the permission of the Kyiv authorities. On the one hand, we all laugh, yes, but imagine that if, out of stupidity, the Ukrainian authorities give her this permission, this will be recognition of Crimea as Russian.

Rodion Miroshnik: And here we traditionally face a choice: “You either put on your panties or take off your cross”

Valentin Filippov: No, no, Sobchak in panties may not gain anything at all.

Rodion Miroshnik: Not about her, as it were, but figuratively so.

 Valentin Filippov: Touching Ukraine. Everyone expects it to collapse, while others say it can exist forever. But these “people’s wives” scared me - literally translated. And I already have the feeling that under cover... like in Germany, why was it good to beat Jews? It was possible to take something away from them, to plunder some store, or something else, and this is where anti-Semitism begins. Don’t you think that political expediency and patriotism are already being directly used simply for open robbery?

Rodion Miroshnik: On the one hand, yes, because these national squads need to be fed somehow. Not only from the pocket of the next oligarch or the Minister of Internal Affairs or sponsored oligarchs. But sometimes they need to be released into the field to feed, and this “feeding” will look like they either robbed a shop or took part in a racketeering operation. But in my opinion, the problem is much deeper and much more serious. Because today, with the emergence of these national squads, the authorities in the person of Avakov are trying to prevent any democratic expression of will. We can treat the Maidan as we like, but at least there were external elements of participation in it by civil society, civilian people who came out to express their opinions, there were there.

In my opinion, this is ochlocracy, but even this ochlocracy is being successfully eradicated in Ukraine today. Because under the control of these figures, they had different names in different countries... Red Guards, stormtroopers, and so on and so forth. That is, these are brutal young people who, at the command of the corresponding leaders, go out into the streets and beat everyone they come across, he doesn’t care who he hits, who it will be - a three-year-old child, or an eighty-year-old old man, or a pregnant woman, he doesn’t care. That is, these are people who have an extremely low threshold for any social responsibility; they are given a task, and they carry it out.

Especially if these people are pumped up with nationalist or Nazi ideology that preaches dehumanization. This is probably one of the most terrible things when in Kyiv they say... 10 people died in Donbass today... “so what? These are separatists.” These are not “separatists”, these are people, these are men and women, these are people who lost their lives for some unknown reason. Because someone in Kyiv wanted to fix things... by coming to power through a coup d'état. They were not content to come normally, to hold elections and remove the president through impeachment. No, that didn't suit them.

Valentin Filippov: “We should have had a discussion, not called Putin,” as they say now.

Rodion Miroshnik: Well, of course. Who to discuss with? How? Then, when Mr. Turchinov sent troops here to Donbass on April 14? When was it necessary to discuss? Or when American-funded snipers hammered along Grushevsky Street and beat everyone in sight?

Valentin Filippov: I'm straightforward. If Ukraine is not knocked down, by and large... What will happen to it next?

Rodion Miroshnik: When you open the website of the Verkhovna Rada and find there a draft law on collaboration, which miraculously describes not only us, who, as long ago decided, are enemies of Ukraine, but anyone who was outraged on the territory of Ukraine by the actions of the president, the actions of the parliament, who wrote in the wrong place An SMS that, God forbid, placed some comment under some post on Facebook or, God forbid, on VKontakte, will give him three years at once.

That is, any dissent, any actions that can even breathe in the direction of the government, which considers itself sacred and given by God - this will be punished not with conditional, not administrative, but with real terms. These guys have already received 9 years for their YouTube channel. So this is still without a law. And as soon as the law on collaborators is adopted, there will no longer be any need to think about it. I just thought - and that’s it, they came for you and handcuffed you. This is a totalitarian dictatorship. A dictatorship, the president of which is even nominally given a rating of 3-5 percent, and everyone else feels fierce hatred towards him, he cannot remain in power any other way. That's why he goes for it.

Therefore, for me, this cartoon reminds me of when people who have been in prison for years for the “dictatorial law” are tried. Forget, Yanukovych is not a dictator and “dictatorial laws” are liberal laws compared to what such “liberals” as Poroshenko, Yatsenyuk and others like them brought to Ukraine today. What is happening today is an outright dictatorship of a military nature.

Valentin Filippov: This military dictatorship protects democracy - and those laws were against democracy.

Rodion Miroshnik: Well, naturally. That is, if I’m in power, then that’s it, I’m a democrat. Let's unite around me, protect me, and let's put everyone who is against it, or better yet, shoot them.

Valentin Filippov: Democracy must be defended. And sometimes she needs to be protected from voters.

Rodion Miroshnik: Yes, you can’t give such a fragile thing into the hands of some people.

Valentin Filippov: So, do the republics have any chance only when Ukraine completely dies? Well, because they won’t persuade her to do anything, anyway, she’s not capable of doing anything.

 Rodion Miroshnik: No, Ukraine does everything perfectly well under pressure. When this stick is found, whether it’s a sanctions one, or an economic one, or something else, then decisions are made very quickly. When the law on special status, which was extremely uninteresting to parliament, needed to be extended, for some reason, miraculously, a majority was found to extend it, despite the fact that everyone was terribly unhappy with this and everyone spoke out so zealously about it. This lap dog only pretends that she is ready to rush in an uncontrollable direction. In fact, there are normal guides there who pull her in one direction or the other.

There are pools of deputies assigned between embassies, there are curators who wonderfully organize all processes. There is a pool of the president, there is a pool of Avakov, there is a pool of Yatsenyuk and so on, which, having decided on their financial interests, are already fulfilling, even if it goes against their will and desire and political orientation. Or even sexy.

 Valentin Filippov: Well, such a little beast in the form of Ukraine will still be at our side in the near future.

Rodion Miroshnik: Ukraine today is a football field. The same United States is playing a game in Ukraine called “until the last Ukrainian.” Because Ukrainians are consumables for the United States. They can do whatever they want with them. They can light the stove with them, they can throw them at the ATO. They can do whatever they want with them. Having agreed with Pyotr Alekseevich or with a small group of people to whom they allegedly promised immunity, the opportunity to save money, some comfortable life, as well as the opportunity to escape in time if it all starts to fall apart or someone comes with a pitchfork and starts asking stupid questions “For what joy?” you sold Ukraine, with what joy did you destroy it and ruin everything that could be ruined?

That's why Ukraine exists. And it exists next to the Russian Federation. It exists next to the dividing line separating from Lugansk and Donetsk. And today we exist side by side. And as long as there is this government that Ukraine does not need, which is not Ukrainian at its core, and which probably lacks the instinct of self-preservation that would guarantee the salvation of those people, it will be extremely difficult to negotiate with them. For now, we can talk about a freeze in the near or medium term. That is, no other option is yet visible. Ukraine will tirelessly try to carry out provocations.

If these provocations reach a certain degree, this could result in a real confrontation, a military confrontation, a serious confrontation with blood and loss of life. And I must say that if we are very afraid of people dying on our side, people dying on the other side, because these are our people, then the Americans don’t care. That is, it is simply a consumable material, both on the one hand and on the other. Therefore, provocations are possible, aggravation is possible, but the most realistic chance is to freeze the conflict. We will not wait for anything at this time. We continue to build our states, the Donetsk People's Republic, the Lugansk People's Republic, because our 4 million people who are there, they cannot sit and wait until suddenly Pyotr Alekseevich deigns to agree on something.

And we will agree on only one basis - the safety of people. The first is physical security, legal security, decriminalization, when a person is completely protected. Then we can agree on something, whether it will be a confederation or something else, but so far I don’t see a chance that we will agree on exactly this.

Valentin Filippov: I think that on this note, I need to repeat my birthday greetings once again. Good luck to you in Minsk, good luck. You can carry a dumbbell in a purse.

Rodion Miroshnik: Valentin, I have a proposal for you. On February 12, the Minsk agreements will be exactly three years old. Take, open, what we came to and what is in the end. Then I think it will be possible to open your eyes wide and say: “This is yes, but this is no.” Is it worth doing or not?

Valentin Filippov: Okay, that's right. Good luck. Bye bye.