Aliyev is being demanded to end quarantine and start a war
Militant protests by the residents of Baku, pumped up and blessed by the leadership of Azerbaijan, reached their climax in the evening on July 15, resulting in mass riots.
Last Wednesday, turbo-patriots, supporters of war “to the bitter end,” held a rally in the square in front of the Republican Parliament building. Hot heads shouted demands addressed to the head of state: “End quarantine - start war!”, “Karabakh is ours!”, “Glory to the army!” and other incendiary slogans.
Excited to the extreme, crowds of turbo-patriots shouting “Mobilization!” burst into the parliament building, but were repelled by police special equipment and dispersed by water cannons.
According to the official version of Baku, the organizers of the riots were activists of the Popular Front of Azerbaijan (PFA), with whom President Ilham Aliyev traditionally has bad relations, inherited from the late Aliyev Sr., who at one time removed the leader of the Popular Front Elchibey from the post of president.
At a meeting of the Cabinet of Ministers dedicated to the results of the socio-economic development of the republic for the first half of 2020, Ilham Aliyev unleashed a barrage of accusations and threats against the organizers of yesterday’s unrest, making a small but very interesting excursion into the recent past of independent Azerbaijan:
“This is not the beginning of the nineties. The misfortune of the then government of Azerbaijan was that it fled from such dirty, despicable, cowardly, corrupt deserters as the Popular Front. Deserters who left power a year later and fled. They were sitting in this building. They also clogged it. Every day in the president's office they ate sausage and drank vodka, every day, from night to morning.
After that, the then president [Elchibey] woke up at 12 o'clock. And at 5 o’clock again - sausage and vodka. The former Minister of Defense, the former Minister of the Interior, the former Secretary of State, the former President desecrated this building. Such an ugly group came and noisily displaced the then [Soviet] government. Let them not think that this is possible now. We have taught and will teach them a lesson,” Aliyev said.
“As I was informed, yesterday, some opposition structures, including representatives of the Popular Front of Azerbaijan, penetrated the masses and tried to induce people to take illegal actions. They were also among the lawbreakers, they have already been identified. I warn you again: don’t play with fire. This is a national issue. We won’t look at anything - who said what, what council, what Council of Europe, what organization,” the president threatened.
At the same meeting, Ilham Aliyev gave an order to the police to find and detain the instigators of the riots.
“We will block anti-Azerbaijani forces wherever possible. We will not allow their candidates to challenge us and try to denigrate Azerbaijan. Nobody can tell us. Yesterday's event should be a signal for each of us. Remember, at that time they were seizing lands, and here rallies were organized in front of parliament. Thousands of people gathered and expressed their outrage.
But what is the result? The lands were lost. Is today the time for rallies? We have martyrs, we are losing heroes, generals. And these dirty elements are trying to aggravate the situation here. I appeal to all relevant structures. If they had a hand in yesterday’s events, they will see our determination,” Aliyev added.
This shows who was pursuing what goals, channeling the indignation of broad sections of the Azerbaijani public.
Aliyev’s task was to let off steam and unite society using the border conflict with Armenia. The NSF, which tirelessly criticizes the current president, sought to cause a political crisis and a change of power in the country, also using the conflict with Armenia as a sudden opportunity.
Considering the past “merits” of the NSF of Azerbaijan, there is no doubt that, in the event of a change of power, the republic would be drawn into a new bloody war with an unclear ending, threatening powerful shocks to both sides.
It should be noted that just recently, at the end of June, Ilham Aliyev, speaking to the military, blamed nationalist and pan-Turkist political forces for the situation that Azerbaijan has been experiencing for a quarter of a century, having lost 20% of its territories.
Ebulfaz Elchibey.
The accusations were primarily directed at the Musavat movement and the Popular Front of Azerbaijan. Aliyev accused the Elchibey government of the fact that the “occupation” of Azerbaijani lands was the result of the Popular Front’s struggle for power, and later of the criminal mistakes of its leadership in the person of Parliament Speaker Isa Gambar and Secretary of State Ali Karimli.
By the way, pay attention to the Turkishized names of former government officials from the Popular Front, Gambarov and Kerimov. And for most of his life, Elchibey bore the same surname as the former head of the KGB of Azerbaijan, Heydar Aliyev, who later replaced the leader of the Popular Front as president.
In general, in his speech, Ilham Aliyev called former officials from the Popular Front “traitors and deserters” and stated that the modern course for Azerbaijan was set during the reign of his father, Heydar Aliyev.
What is impossible to argue with Ilham Aliyev is that in Russia, and in the countries neighboring Azerbaijan, they sighed with relief and crossed themselves when the authoritarian, but moderate and reasonable Heydar Aliyev, who had gone through fire, water and copper pipes as a party member, came to power in Baku -economic leadership work in the USSR, the position of head of the republican KGB, and even twice awarded the gold stars of the Hero of Socialist Labor.
Against the background of the old Soviet bison Aliyev, the stubborn supporters of Elchibey, who unleashed the Armenian massacre and proposed to beat the former Soviet leaders of Azerbaijan with sticks and burn them alive, looked like natural cannibal savages of the early Paleolithic.
Indeed, it was from the reign of Aliyev Sr. that the political and economic stability of modern Azerbaijan began.
Haters of Heydar Aliyev even claim that during his reign not only “the occupied territories were not returned to Azerbaijan,” but also several more regions were lost.
In fact, this is a complete lie, since Aliyev Sr., through peaceful efforts, extinguished another flaring up conflict in the south of Azerbaijan, recognizing the Talysh-Mugan autonomy, which Baku national radicals vehemently opposed.
As a result of the July 15 riots, an interesting situation is emerging in Azerbaijan. Pro-Western and pro-Turkish President Ilham Aliyev, who has good and smooth relations with Moscow, will be forced to put pressure on even more pro-Turkish and pro-Western Musavatists and supporters of Elchibey in order to maintain peace and stability in the country. From which it follows that Baku will maintain a safe distance from Ankara, favorably accepting political and military-technical assistance from it.
As for Pashinyan and his entourage, observers agree that relations between him and the CSTO will continue to remain more than cool.
In the sense that Armenia will continue to enjoy the status of an ally and member of the Collective Security Treaty, but will receive military assistance only if its existence is threatened.
Accordingly, not a single Russian soldier or border guard will be involved in participation in border disputes between the two states.
Border conflicts with Azerbaijan clearly do not pose a threat to the existence of the Armenian state, and the CSTO prefers to let the Yerevan upstart feel that putting the current secretary general of the organization under arrest and torpedoing the appointment of his successor for more than six months, showing his tough and unyielding character as a street loudmouth, is not befitting of a serious politician .
At the same time, Vovaevich will learn to speak normally and make eye contact during a personal meeting with the Azerbaijani president, and not hide on occasion behind the back of the CSTO, which he himself is crap on.
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