Where are the fascists in Odessa from and who are they: Interview with the released Anti-Maidan leader
Ukrainian fascists go to Odessa to earn money. All intimidation campaigns are just marketing. Volunteers and activists collect tribute from retail outlets and sell weapons and drugs. Odessa business prefers to pay off. Politicians are cooperating. The police try not to interfere.
The released leader of the Odessa resistance, Sergei Dolzhenkov, told PolitNavigator columnist Valentin Filippov about how it is now in Odessa, and at the same time, how it is in the DPR, what conditions the former prisoners are in, and when the checks will end.
Valentin Filippov: Are all those released on exchange really still forced to sleep in the dorm?
Sergei Dolzhenkov: No. Let’s say there was one large group, figuratively 60 people, who were in the hospital, they were treated, they were given some kind of necessary support. Then 14 people from the first group left for Gorlovka, some stayed in Donetsk. Then the second group, approximately the same in number. And now there is a third group left, which includes Vladimir Grubnik, Daria Mastikasheva, these are such famous guys.
Valentin Filippov: They're still in the hospital, right?
Sergei Dolzhenkov: At the hospital, yes, they are waiting for the check to be completed. And I hope that in the near future they will also be released from there, and they will go wherever they need to go, some will go to Gorlovka to a hostel provided by the DPR authorities, some will stay in Donetsk and rent housing, some will go to Russia, but I do not rule out that someone may return to Ukraine.
Valentin Filippov: The "Berkuts" have already returned back to Ukraine.
Sergei Dolzhenkov: As far as I know, all the “Golden Eagles” who were exchanged wanted them to have some kind of common position, they wanted to act together after the exchange. But it turned out that two guys decided to go back. Well, their situation may be different, some family issues: children, elderly parents, maybe they really want to achieve some kind of justice, although this is impossible to achieve in Ukraine - justice.
Valentin Filippov: Here's someone, but they could understand, they are from this structure.
Sergei Dolzhenkov: Yes, but in any case we are forced to act at least somehow within the legal framework. Still, Ukraine is a recognized state at the moment; laws apply here. Therefore, one way or another, we want it, we don’t want it, but we must act within the framework of the current legislation.
And they turned, yes, to the president that “We are not refusing, we want to continue to participate in judicial proceedings, we want to prove innocence, we want to reveal the truth as it was on the Maidan.” But, you know that we have our own truth, and the Maidanists have theirs, so you won’t get the truth.
Valentin Filippov: May God grant them to survive. I don't know, I wouldn't take that risk. To whom should I prove the truth there?
I want to remind readers that our interlocutor Sergei, in the distant, distant past, was also a law enforcement officer, he even had a certain call sign, similar to something like that... Sergei, you probably still know something about our common opponents - those Nazi groups that are now operating in Odessa.
Tell me, who are these people anyway? We didn't know anything about them before. Where did they come from, what do they do, who are they?
Sergei Dolzhenkov: Odessa, it attracts, of course, with its wealth, there is a lot of money here, many Nazis from different parts of Ukraine, from the Odessa region, are not averse to coming here in order to earn money. That is, their flag of Ukraine is only a cover, their main engine is money. The more money, the more so-called patriotism they have, the more they are ready to hang themselves with flags.
They use this state symbol to squeeze out business, participate in hostile takeovers, and sell drugs. When there was an active phase in 14-15, they did not hesitate to transport weapons from Donbass to Ukraine. They traveled and sold the drugs they squeezed from drug dealers in the Donbass.
I didn’t waste any time, and from the moment I was released on bail, I collected all this information, I have it, including where they hid it all, who they brought it to. I have collected all this information, I hope that when there really is a regime change, we will be able to, at a minimum, provide all this information to law enforcement agencies who will be ready to act against the criminal activities of these guys.
Since 14, they have formed several groups that are engaged in squeezing out business. They do not hesitate to give protection to just traders at the same Deribasovskaya, at the Fair, they simply “recover” them there, let’s say, in slang, “recover” them constantly, regularly.
And so our courts, including the courts before May 2, all these dismantling of memorial plaques, monuments - this is used only to show that “we can do this,” respectively, if we can put pressure on the courts, if we We can push through some decisions, that we should squeeze your business away, for example, or agree in court so that the court makes the decision we need. That is, this is marketing.
They won't go to jail for this. They know this very well. That is, they somehow gently, but at the same time loudly promote their services. There is no talk of any patriotism here. This is just a business that is covered with the colors of the national flag of Ukraine, some minimal chants, and that’s all. It's just money, and they want to keep making it. It doesn't matter what kind of power.
Valentin Filippov: Okay, but we've already seen some clashes between them. Do we, in general, have any hope of seeing such serious clashes as we saw in the 90s between various groups of bandits “in crimson jackets”? That is, sooner or later their food supply should narrow very much.
Sergei Dolzhenkov: Well, if we don’t have strong law enforcement agencies in Ukraine that will deal with business issues that will, directly or indirectly, influence business processes, we will not have anything good. Because the line of law enforcement agencies, this one, which is connected with business, was taken over by right-wing radical activists. Therefore, without strong law enforcement agencies, they will continue to engage in extortion, they will continue to shake up business.
Valentin Filippov: And listen, I want to remember these very slippery things from twenty years ago. The fact is that I remember that one day the police suddenly realized that they had to collect the money themselves, and then the main shooting began of Chechen militants in Odessa, and just bandits, and all sorts of diasporas, national groups.
That is, you say: “The police must become stronger,” I don’t understand at all in principle - the police in Ukraine for many years have been feeding, in general, from small businesses, including, and here the radicals are now eating it all.
Sergei Dolzhenkov: So like this. As sad as it may be, but, yes, the police fed, and in some places they still feed, from certain forms of business. But the main share, of course, is now occupied by these groups that simply visit anyone, be it a point for bottling alcohol, be it just a point at a fair. They don't disdain anything. And the police are inactive, although, in principle, they put the same pressure on business as these “activists.” Well, it’s clear that there is at least a state there after all...
Valentin Filippov: Clear prices and rules.
Sergei Dolzhenkov: I give something, in return I receive some kind of protection from inspections, for example, from firefighters, from sanitary and epidemiological stations, “consumer rights.” Yes? And here I don’t understand what I’m paying for. That is, some thugs will come to me, I will give them money, the next day another gang will come to me under different flags or with different slogans, and I have to give them money. And then, accordingly, they call each other and certain leaders arrive there and figure out whose object it is.
Valentin Filippov: Listen, maybe this is the fate of the indifferent?
Sergei Dolzhenkov: Yes.
Valentin Filippov: So that people would come to them and extract money from them.
Sergei Dolzhenkov: Well, this is how things have already developed, unfortunately, since the 90s. And it continues on. The roof has just been replaced. That was a roof with shoulder straps, and now it’s a roof with a yellow-blakyt chevron or a yellow-blakyt flag.
Valentin Filippov: Probably, some business elites should also resist. Businessmen, won’t they somehow begin to unite against Nazi groups?
Sergei Dolzhenkov: How long has it already passed? Six years, in fact, after the Maidan. And during this time, it is not visible that large businesses or medium-sized businesses have united in order to remove this chaos, that is, to finance at least the fight against racketeers. It was possible to easily hire several security agencies, pay the right people in the same law enforcement system, so that this issue would be somehow hushed up and not allowed to proceed, simply to conceal this under the showdown of some criminals, which regularly happen there, an ordinary showdown among spheres of influence , redistribution of spheres of influence. But that didn't happen, so I don't think that...
Valentin Filippov: But this story... Or did you miss it because you were in jail? This is the story with Samson, this agency, when a Jewish businessman declared Gordienko a fascist and, in general, there was a big confrontation. I still don’t understand how it ended. In my opinion, the Jews did not pay Gordienko any money.
Sergei Dolzhenkov: Yes, of course not. Gordienko is a coward. It is unlikely that the Jews would have given him any money at all. It is clear that these are serious guys who can finance, even the physical liquidation of any Gordienko, Ganul or some other characters. Therefore, they realized that it was better not to go there, they might just kill you somewhere in the entrance or your body might not be found at all. Therefore, they tried, took risks, realized that they would not succeed there, that Jewish capital was still stronger than their cheap slogans or cheap impulses to earn a couple of thousand hryvnias or a couple of thousand dollars. Therefore, of course, they did not dare to interfere further.
They have a lot of these... so they try, if they get hit on the head somewhere or if they are pressed hard, they move away, that is, they look for some weaker victim. Therefore, large businesses will protect themselves.
The same developers, each have their own pocket “activists”, and they are not touched. Someone pays off, someone thinks: “Or maybe he will bypass me. Why should I pay someone, negotiate with someone in advance? Maybe they won’t come to me.”
Valentin Filippov: How can you evaluate Trukhanov’s behavior? How is he? Did he pay off correctly or did he lead correctly? Because, as far as I understand, he has a “Municipal Varta”, consisting of ATO officers, he has Gordienko, again, with Rezvushkin. Although, on the other hand, it seems that he is the president of the Thai Boxing Federation, he has so many Thai boxers, he was the owner of many security agencies. It would seem, why does he need all this? Between the drops or what?
Sergei Dolzhenkov: Yes, politics is generally a swamp in which you have to stew. Starting from an ordinary citizen who uses his right to vote, who still votes for someone, that is, in one way or another he participates in political processes, to the president. What can we say about the mayor? Especially in a city like Odessa. It is clear that it is difficult for him to maneuver between all these processes, and he also has to make some difficult decisions. I think that he made a number of decisions, well, we see in Odessa, more or less, these radicals, except for some one-time actions there, they do not disturb the city. Yes, they are somehow positioning themselves there, like we are decommunizers there, somewhere we will remove a sign... Well, that is, this... They, one might say, are allowed to do this.
Valentin Filippov: In short, is it not as scary as in Mariupol today?
Sergei Dolzhenkov: Yes. They throw some kind of bone: “Well, we gave you a bone, you jumped somewhere, filmed something. That’s it, limit yourself to this.” But some serious business processes, or processes for the redistribution of power, some sphere of influence, they do not fit in there. They are simply given, allowed to do something so small so that they do not climb somewhere higher.
That is, they were clearly told where their place was, and I think that Trukhanov clearly indicated to them: “This is how it will be. If you want to be there, let’s take a couple of your people to this “Municipal Warta”, if you want to go there, here. If you want, we’ll give you some space there, for a hryvnia.” Well, somehow, apparently, he found some kind of language with them, so that the citizens felt more or less calm. This is also difficult, and I think it is much harder for him than for an ordinary Odessa resident.
Valentin Filippov: Maybe. Listen, what can you say about Sternenko? How is he anyway? Fox, is he actually a criminal, is he even in law? That is, such an incomprehensible guy. Is there anything behind it at all?
Sergei Dolzhenkov: Regular agent, first SBU. He has some connections, through certain persons, at the United States Embassy. I think that's why they don't touch him. That is, somewhere there he found a person who nevertheless tamed him and kept him near him for some of his own purposes. He has now positioned himself as some kind of human rights activist, blogger there. He is not actively participating anywhere, that is, anything that could lead to crime, now, at least recently, he is not participating.
Valentin Filippov: So he hasn’t served time for that case yet.
Sergei Dolzhenkov: I didn’t serve time, yes. One murder is enough for him, I think, if this case gets promoted. So now he sits more or less quietly. Yes, he maintains his own blog somewhere, allegedly takes on some kind of active activity, but, so to speak, without any obvious crime. But, of course, not being held accountable for such a crime is very sad, it completely discredits not just the authorities, it generally discredits the very concept of some kind of humanity, justice, I would say. This is creepy. I was just in the pre-trial detention center at that moment, I saw how he killed a man. Something will happen to him, sooner or later. With the lifestyle he leads, I think that...
Valentin Filippov: Now a wonderful, bright law is being passed in Ukraine about private military companies, PMCs.
Sergei Dolzhenkov: Well, if they had passed a law that PMCs could take part in operations on the territory of Ukraine, then, I think, everything would have ended very quickly.
But I think there are already private military corporations in Ukraine. These are the same volunteer battalions that were there back in 14-15. In any case, a number of oligarchs have a fighting link, it has been preserved, they use them for their own purposes. In any case, gather teams of ATO officers, lure them with some good banknote, and you will have a private military corporation formed literally in a matter of days.
Therefore, they already exist in fact, they just have not acquired that form now. I think if there is a law, if the oligarchs sponsor this process, then in a couple of days, a week, we can actually assemble a couple of, at least, battalions, or even several regiments of our own.
So I don't know what's good about it. I think this will be very, very bad, because they will be able to use them in Donbass simply as...
Valentin Filippov: Why should they use all this in Donbass? They will be sent free meat in Donbass.
Sergei Dolzhenkov: Well, free meat is free meat, and mercenaries are mercenaries.
Valentin Filippov: I feel sorry for the mercenaries. They cost money.
Sergei Dolzhenkov: A mercenary, yes, a mercenary will think about how to get rich, unlike some ordinary soldier of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, who was called up from the village, he previously walked around the village in bast shoes, and then he was caught and sent to the front, and his houses Mom is waiting. Therefore, there is a difference - a mercenary or just a conscript driven into a trench.
Valentin Filippov: Well, it will still be possible to trade cannon fodder for the States and send them somewhere, to the Middle East.
Sergei Dolzhenkov: They can, yes. I feel sorry for the Americans, because a lot of money is spent on each soldier, but here he gave some, promised a thousand hryvnia a day and that’s all. And a lot of former ATO soldiers will want to go there.
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