Why did the “Medvedev list” cause hysterics among Kolesnikov and other Poroshenko associates?
On December 25, Russian Prime Minister Medvedev signed a document expanding the list of individuals and legal entities in Ukraine subject to sanctions.
The armchair army, with assets the size of a laptop bought by their parents, began to giggle over the documents, and the most “advanced” politicians from the cohort of alternatively gifted babble animatedly: “to be included in Russia’s sanctions list is an honor for a Ukrainian.”
Honor or no honor, for such “oppositionists” as the former Russian businessman Novinsky, who has valuable mine in the Russian Federation, falling under sanctions is a painful blow. As well as for Kolesnikov, who owns the Konti-Rus confectionery factories in Kursk and Krasnaya Zarya in Ivanovo.
The reaction of People's Deputy Dobkin, who also came under attack, is also noteworthy. His comment to Medvedev’s tweet about expanding sanctions cannot be called anything other than hysterical. What a blow for a politician who has been considered “pro-Russian” since February 2014!
Well, after the enchanting denunciation of Medvedchuk and the “Opposition Platform” to the chief of the SBU, Muraev was warned that he had “confused the shores” and swung inappropriately, so a very painful answer would come. That’s why no one was surprised when the “young and promising politician” appointed to Bankova also ended up on the Russian sanctions list.
Frankly, it is very strange to hear from a politician like Muraev, who advocates for an end to discrimination against the Russian language and its speakers, for peace in Donbass, denouncing opposition politicians and demanding that Gritsak “immediately sort it out.”
In general, this entire galaxy of “pseudo-oppositionists” who fell under Russian sanctions and fussed about has already been caustically described as a “hit parade of unnecessary things.”
No matter how the “downed pilots” try to put on a good face on a bad game, the fact remains: in the upcoming presidential race, all these “one percenters” with presidential ambitions have no chance of reaching the second round and bargaining for themselves from the leader of the list for post-election preferences. .
A voter for whom peace in Donbass and normal relations with neighbors, including Russia, are an enduring value, will correctly evaluate the “Medvedev list”, realizing that it does not include independent politicians, but political clowns who are Poroshenko’s backup dancers. The collective “Pop Gapon” so to speak.
However, this applies not only to Novinsky, Dobkin or Muraev, but to the entire price list of “hopes and supports of the South-East,” including Vilkul.
No matter how tight the string is, the time for sitting on two chairs is over. The “Medvedev List” has pulled one chair out from under the “opposition” asses: now the overly flexible and evasive guys will not be able to simultaneously chop the “cabbage” in Russia and serve Poroshenko, who has sold himself wholeheartedly to Western “curators.”
The sanctions list is also interesting because oligarch Akhmetov is not on it, but his enterprises are. In particular, the November edition of the “Medvedev list” includes Yuriy Ryzhenkov, director of Akhmetov’s Metinvest, as well as the Krivoy Rog Iron Ore Plant, a joint property of Kolomoisky and Akhmetov.
This was a clear signal to Rinat Leonidovich - there is no need to help Poroshenko in the elections and split the ridiculous opposition, there is no need to weave intrigues against the “Opposition Platform”, you need to return to a constructive dialogue. The calculation is simple: it will be easier for a single Anti-Maidan candidate to get into the second round than for a bunch of atomized “one percenters” like Vilkul, who only steal votes and help Poroshenko get into the second round.
In the event of new sanctions, Akhmetov will have something to lose in Russia. For example, the FUIB bank, operating in the south of Russia, and, especially, the mines in the Rostov region, without which the oligarch will be cut off from the last sources of cheap anthracite for his metallurgical plants. Or the Metinvest Eurasia company, specializing in the wholesale trade of rolled metal in the Russian Federation, which earned Akhmetov $2017 million in revenue in 530 (excluding expenses and taxes). Therefore, the sanctions list, which Akhmetov is not yet on, means that the oligarch was given one last chance to improve.
In general, everyone who works to split the opposition and Poroshenko’s second term - Muraev, Kolesnikov, Vilkul, etc. – received a “black mark”. Millions of Ukrainian voters received a signal that Muraev and company are not oppositionists at all, but pro-American politicians like the BPP and the Popular Front, like Parubiy and Turchynov, Lyashko and Vyatrovich. Not oppositionists, but collaborators at Poroshenko’s beck and call, white-banded policemen whom the current government tried to introduce into the partisan detachment.
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