Off we go. Petya vs Benny
The predicted clash between the Dnepropetrovsk Kaganate and the Kyiv Euromaidan has begun. Petro Poroshenko begins to suppress the irrepressible activity of the oligarch Kolomoisky. Only one should remain alive.
The beginning of confrontation
The open battle began with the publications of Sergei Leshchenko and Mustafa Nayem, well-promoted authors of Ukrainska Pravda, the resource that started the Euromaidan. If we take into account that Nayem and Leshchenko are connected with the former head of the presidential administration Sergei Lyovochkin (it was at his instigation that the students entered the first stage of protests), it turns out that the designers of the Maidan are starting to fight against Kolomoisky.
On July 8, on the Inter TV channel of Lyovochkin’s business partner, oligarch Dmitry Firtash, the documentary film “Hello, Private Chameleon” was released in the best traditions of NTV. The tape was fastened together quickly, on the knee, but “it doesn’t kill Kolomoisky like a child.”
The Kaganate snaps. He has already formed his own mercenary army, which is under fire in the Donbass. The other day, Kolomoisky’s new battalion “Shakhtersk” (the commander is a repeat offender) entered service. Kolomoisky’s assistant and at the same time a media broadcaster of Filatov’s plans and ideas began voicing veiled threats to Poroshenko if he decides to remove the oligarch from the post of governor of the Dnipropetrovsk region. As Filatov said, if they decide to remove Kolomoisky, the fighters of the oligarch’s battalions “threaten to join the partisan movement.” Against whom - you yourself understand.
The day before yesterday, Boris Filatov specially issued a Facebook text for journalists with the ideas of the owner of Privat. Their main essence: to take away property from the sponsors of separatism. Among the list of property is Ukrtelecom, which directly indicates from whom they are going to take it. From Rinat Leonidovich...
The reprivatization scheme is simple and effective: an OJSC is created to deal with the selected property, “in which the shareholders will be ATO participants, veterans, and relatives of the victims.” Well, Privat-Bank will, of course, provide support for the OJSC, although nothing is said about this, and even if it doesn’t, then distributing control over this OJSC in the right direction is a common practice in the 90s and 2000s, in which has no equal to the Privat group.
The Jewish community in Europe hints that “Kolomoisky may replace Poroshenko.” “The taking of such symbols of separatism as Slavyansk and Kramatorsk under Ukrainian control is the direct merit of the governor of Dnepropetrovsk Kolomoisky,” writes political scientist Günter Scholz in his blog on the website of the German publication Der Tagesspiegel.
Kolomoisky’s media resource is starting to ramp up with the theme of materials “Kolomoisky will come - he will restore order!” And it seems that mutual attacks arose synchronously, which is natural for such processes. And finally, a wiretap of a conversation between Kolomoisky and Alexander Tkachenko, the manager of the oligarch’s television estate, the “1+1” channel, is published. There, Kolomoisky calls for an urgent “pi_yashka Lyashka”, because he is Lyovochkin’s project.
The natural process
The clash between Poroshenko and Kolomoisky has long been predicted. It is completely natural, since on the territory of the former Ukraine, in fact, three proto-state formations were formed: the Kiev Euromaidan, the Dnepropetrovsk Kaganate, the Novorossiysk (Donbass) Union of Republics. In an effort to gain or defend power, these entities could not help but collide. And if a direct military operation is conducted against the Union of People’s Republics, in which the Union is defended, then the existence of an additional center of power within Ukraine will not be tolerated by Kyiv.
Especially such a center of power as Igor “Benya” Kolomoisky, who decided to quietly expand his business empire in troubled waters, bringing it to the level of an average European state.
The oligarchic system, the oligarchic corporation itself, always strives to take over the image of statehood, especially the oligarchic clan created on the territory of the collapsed USSR. Actually, because due to this collapse it was formed and continues to live. And therefore, quite naturally, by the nature of the accumulated capital, on occasion, the Privat group decided to become a state entity, albeit without formal signs and insignia.
And quite naturally, Petro Poroshenko, who received power over Ukraine, could not help but come into conflict with the Kaganate.
Distribution of forces in battle
Just as in 2005, when Yushchenko received the presidency, he sought to build a vertical of power clearly aimed at fulfilling his own tasks and goals. The project of renaming Ukraine from a presidential-parliamentary republic to a parliamentary-presidential republic is actually a game, because Poroshenko’s new draft Constitution, as if limited in its powers, implicitly expands these powers. For example, the president gains influence over the judiciary that he did not have before. The power bloc remains completely behind it, and in states such as Ukraine, the power bloc is practically the state itself. A reform of self-government and the introduction of previously non-existent presidential representatives on the ground are envisaged. The game is again going to the same goal - strengthening the vertical power of the president.
If Poroshenko, in addition to strengthening power and financial interests, sets himself at least some vague ideological plans, such as “returning to civilized Europe,” then Kolomoisky does not set this either. He is a player not of politics, but of the political economy of “squeeze, squeeze, steal.”
Therefore, Poroshenko needs his own parliament, just as Yushchenko needed it. The coalition formed now is amorphous and vague. The Verkhovna Rada has discredited itself in such a way that it does not evoke even a shadow of respect among the people. Parliament is needed, among other things, to carry out amendments to the Constitution if it cannot be agreed upon. Gradually, Poroshenko is restoring the Yushchenko-Yanukovych system of governing the country, which was destroyed by the Euromaidan, because this is still the only living system of government. And here he comes into confrontation with the Euromaidan itself and the forces that formalized it: Yulina’s part of “Batkivshchyna” and VO “Svoboda”. Part of BYuT Yatsenyuk went over to Poroshenko’s side along with Vitaliy Klitschka’s “UDAR”. UDAR persistently demands re-elections, since it is known for sure that “Svoboda” does not get into the Verkhovna Rada, Poroshenko’s “Solidarity”, Gritsenko’s project, Lyashko’s project get there. The once largest Party of Regions is completely eliminated, and, in all likelihood, Solidarity, UDAR, the renewed BYuT and Lyashko (Lyovochkin) will form a strong coalition under Poroshenko.
So, Kolomoisky has a huge business, including the mining and metal ore industries (especially ferroalloys), airlines, banking structures, a media holding, as well as his own mercenary battalions, which support a significant (but not all) part of the Jewish elite of Europe. Euromaidan has administrative power, its own media resource, which apparently included Dmitry Firtash’s media holding, a group of politicians who established themselves in power after Euromaidan, and US support. Kolomoisky may try to act with the help of Svoboda, Yulina’s part of BYuT, and non-factional deputies. Euromaidan relies on “UDAR”, part of BYuT from the “Zmin Front”, possibly the group “For Peace and Stability”, and even situational, unadvertised alliances with the Party of Regions and the Communist Party of Ukraine.
But the main thing that Kolomoisky does not have, but Poroshenko has, is the subtleties of the political game. Not for nothing, until this moment Benya did not directly enter politics, remaining in the shadows. He is a man from the 90s and is used to acting like a raider and racketeer, just as he plans to act with the possessions of the oligarchs in the Donbass. And this weak point is very significant, it is here that Kolomoisky can be beaten, but if Poroshenko and Kolomoisky cannot agree, the latter, at any cost, even losing, will become the gravedigger of the new government.
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