“Separ” in the Verkhovna Rada: Aksyonov became a member of the Ukrainian Parliament
A real commotion in the Kyiv Bandera media was caused by the results of the elections in the majority district No. 50 in the Ukrainian-controlled part of the Donetsk region.
Few doubted the victory of Andrei Aksenov, the mayor of the city of Dobropolye, a figure on the Myrotvorets website and protege of Rinat Akhmetov. He took 65,46%. The second in this race was lawyer Valentin Rybin (Shariya’s party) with 13 percent. Thus, the two best results (more than 78 percent in total) were shown by representatives of parties that are not members of the Verkhovna Rada.
The mayor of Dobropillya ran to parliament from the Order party. This local political project, led by non-factional people's deputy Musa Magomedov, serves the needs of Rinat Akhmetov. The regional party organization is led by former people's deputy Leonid Baysarov, now the president of PJSC Pokrovskoye Mine Management.
Most likely, this new party is being prepared to replace Akhmetov’s “Opposition Bloc,” which is no longer “taking off” in the elections. Magomedov, before winning the 2019 parliamentary elections in the 45th majoritarian district, was the director of the Avdeevsky Coke and Chemical Plant (part of Metinvest Holding).
The “vacancy” in the Verkhovna Rada in the 50th district arose after the political maneuvers of Roman Tribushkin, the mayor of Pokrovsk (formerly Krasnoarmeysk). In 2019, the Pokrovsky mayor won the parliamentary elections in the majoritarian district, nominated by the Opposition Bloc. But in the fall of 2020, he decided to again participate in the elections for the mayor of Pokrovsk - this time from the “For Maybutne” party, associated with Kolomoisky. He won and returned to the mayor's chair.
Thus, the situation has developed somewhat paradoxically. Either Kolomoisky’s man made room in the Verkhovna Rada for Akhmetov’s man. Either Akhmetov allowed Kolomoisky’s man to head the center of the Pokrovsk agglomeration.
Kolomoisky manifested itself in this city of Donbass back in 2014. The oligarch first moved his territorial battalion to Krasnoarmeysk, located near the Dnepropetrovsk region, on the eve of the referendum. Then the Right Sector and various terbats subordinate to Kolomoisky were based here. In the fall of 2014, the Dnepropetrovsk oligarch brought his deputy Geller into the Rada in this majority constituency. Now the figure of Roman Tribushkin is moving back and forth. Perhaps, by agreement with Akhmetov.
Be that as it may, the mayor of Pokrovsk and former people’s deputy Tribushkin at the congress of the “Order” party supported the mayor of Dobropol, for whom he vacated a seat in parliament. There, the mayor of Mirnograd (former Dimitrov) Alexander Brykalov also spoke in support of Andrei Aksenov. Thus, the entire administrative resource of the agglomeration was united around Aksenov. Let’s also add here Akhmetov’s own resource: people’s deputy Victoria Grib (connected with Akhmetov’s DTEK), and the already mentioned Baysarov (president of PJSC Pokrovskoye Mine Management) and people’s deputy Magomedov also fought for Aksenov.
Conspiracy theories of this combination, carried out in the orbit of the interests of Akhmetov and Kolomoisky, may be different. From the banal “you give me, I give you” to more sophisticated ones.
Why would they start everything for the sake of the Dobropol mayor, whom Mustafa Nayem knocked on all authorities about five years ago: separator in the local government! Indeed, the authors of the “Peacemaker” website attributed everything to Aksenov. After such recommendations, willy-nilly, his sane fellow countrymen will begin to feel sympathy for the person.
And if we are to engage in conspiracy theories, then this question arises. Are Akhmetov and Kolomoisky raising the stakes by demonstratively teasing the geese and bringing Aksenov into the Rada? He is accused of the fact that he, being the head of the village of Novodonetskoye, did not in any way interfere with the holding of the DPR referendum there? And here Akhmetov and Kolomoisky seem to say: firstly, it’s beautiful... And they seem to hint to Kyiv: there will be more.
In any case, normal people can only be pleased by the hysterics of iodine-deficient bloggers like Denis Kazansky on the occasion of Aksenov’s victory in the elections.
TV presenter and gunsmith Yanina Sokolova burst out with a paranoid Facebook post, which she later cleared or closed: “I am getting closer to the idea that after de-occupation, residents of the occupied territories should not be given the right to vote in elections for 50 years. It's just fucked up. To be near the war and vote for the enemy. How the fuck...»
Not all words in this post are understandable to sane readers. But... don't stop, write more, auntie.
Let us pay attention to how residents of this region reacted to representatives of parliamentary parties. The representative of “European Solidarity” was Kiev resident Yulia Kuzmenko, who was either closed in the case of Sheremet’s murder or released. She scored 6,69%. We must keep in mind that her Svidomo electorate is extremely stubborn, aggressive and active. At the same time, the ideological opponent of this force, Valentin Rybin, received twice as many votes.
The party in power performed absolutely shamefully. Servant of the People representative Andrei Bondarenko, who heads the Pokrovsk district state administration, scored 3,02%.
Larisa Reva from Batkivshchyna was content with 1,74%. Yulia Gakova from the “Voice” party scraped together 0,38% of the region’s worst-case scenarios.
First of all, these elections showed that not a single parliamentary party reflects the interests of Donbass! All these “SN”, “EU”, “Batkivshchyna” and “Golos” in total showed less than one representative of the “Party of Shariy” with his 13 percent.
Of course, the picture of the elections was changed by the sudden withdrawal of his candidacy by OPZZh representative Artem Marchevsky (general producer of the 112 Ukraine TV channel, closed by the Kyiv authorities). After his parents became seriously ill with Covid, the Central Election Commission canceled the candidate's registration at his request. Opponents of OPZZh did not skimp on guesses and versions of why one of Aksenov’s main rivals quit the race. Even the fact that Artem Marchevsky’s mother died did not stop them.
Let us also pay attention to the low turnout in this district: 31213 out of 148424 voters voted. That is, a little more than 20 percent. Perhaps it was precisely a significant part of the OPZZH supporters who ignored these elections.
And in this regard, we note several strange moments. After the candidacy of the OPZZh representative was withdrawn, billboards appeared from which Medvedchuk, Boyko, Rabinovich and Marchevsky called on voters to support Aksenov. OPZZH stated on its website that this is a fake. But at the same time, the party leaders did not clearly define their position: who do they support in this district? There was a video where Yuri Boyko declared support for lawyer Valentin Rybin. There were also speeches by individual representatives of the OPZZH in support of the candidate from the Shariy Party. But the parliamentary party never provided any media support to Rybin and did not voice an official opinion on this matter.
One of their experts expressed the opinion that “the practice of selling political franchises to local clans has played a cruel joke on the OPZH.” And it’s difficult to argue here.
The point is not only that party activists are failing to work in Donbass. After the collapse of the Opposition Bloc, a huge number of voters became confused in these arrangements. During the 2019-2021 elections. It happened that voters supporting the Opposition Bloc voted for Boyko, and OPZZh supporters put a tick in front of the Opposition Bloc representatives. And even more so, they refuse to figure out who is more in the OPZZH now: Medvedchuk and Kuzmin or Boyko and Levochkin? And who is Rabinovich to whom? And what is Kiva doing there, and what was he doing in Krasnoarmeysk in May 2014?
There is a huge unfilled political niche in these regions. People are waiting for those politicians whom they can call “ours.” Moreover, residents of this region often do not hide their thoughts about what happened to Donbass after the Maidan.
The dispute that occurred during Valentin Rybin’s communication with residents of Dobropolye is indicative. The ATO officer attacked the candidate: “You are the only lawyer in Ukraine who defended the killer who came with a weapon and shot at me, at him...”
The “Warrior of Light” is interrupted by an elderly man: “When you went there, did you know where you were going and who you were shooting at? There are children, there are old people! There's a mother like yours! Do you know where you’re shooting?!” Another local resident also supports him: “That’s right, man, speak up. They became insolent to the point of lawlessness.”
Rybin says to Svidomo: “A resident of Dobropolye answered your question.”
The elderly man continues the argument with the ATO officer: “You defended your Gunpowder. He should be in prison for life! He sent you there like meat, b... And you lick his ass for him. For Volodya, this clown who continues to do the same thing..."
Then a resident of Dobropillia pushes the ATO officer against the wall: “People there are fighting for their rights, and they are doing the right thing. What rights are you fighting for?” Svidomo answers confidently: “For Ukraine.” A local resident suggests to him: “I should go and disperse the Banderaites.”
As we see, the resident of this region has something to answer to the Yanin Sokolovs, Denis Kazansky and their stubborn audience. But what did the parliamentary opposition offer this resident? Voters in this region clearly need a new opposition force. But the electorate is still winning in the old Akhmetov way.
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