Sergei Buntovsky: The Kremlin’s special operation in Donbass is complete nonsense
Sergei Buntovsky – Donetsk writer, journalist, activist of the Russian Bloc party
Terrorists, drug addicts, criminals subject to extermination - this is how official Kyiv and the media controlled by it call the participants in the uprising in Donbass. The new Ukrainian authorities are blaming their economic failures on the machinations of the Kremlin, daily frightening citizens with a military invasion. However, after talking with ordinary participants in the “Russian Spring” in Donetsk, one can be convinced that the “horror stories” broadcast by the capital’s television channels are complete nonsense.
Tens of thousands of ordinary people have already taken part in protests in the capital of Donbass, many of whom have never attended rallies before. New leaders appeared as if out of nowhere, and dozens of public organizations emerged. And if the leaders of the Donetsk People's Republic, their views and positions are more or less known, then the press devotes offensively little time to ordinary participants in the events. Who are these people and what makes them go out?
Politically active residents of Donbass are now divided into two groups: those who hide their faces from the camera and react very nervously to journalists, and those who are ready to talk a lot and willingly, as long as they are listened to.
If we summarize the outcome of the conversation, it is clear that people are already waiting for decisive actions from the leaders of the DPR, and the latter lack political experience. By the way, among the protesters there is no consensus on the future of Donbass - many see the region as still part of Ukraine. In general, all this looks more like an improvisation, which often fails, rather than a clear-cut special operation by the Kremlin, which is being trumpeted in Kyiv.
...My first interlocutor is 27-year-old Anastasia, an engineer by training. Previously, she did not follow politics, but after the crisis caused by the Kyiv Maidan, she lost her job and began to participate in various protests. Here Nastya shoots videos and takes photos for the Internet.
“I like that people have perked up and are no longer sitting at home. But the fact that gangs may arise is a concern. After all, the police have been humiliated, and they no longer monitor what is happening and do not protect the people. I don’t like that there is no more security,” shares Anastasia.
According to the girl, the ultimate goal of all actions should be “victory over fascism” and “establishment of normal power”, which will create “stability in the economy” and “give ordinary people the opportunity to work normally.” It is interesting to note that before the Maidan, Anastasia considered Ukraine her homeland, but now this concept for her has narrowed to Donbass, which, in her opinion, should be independent or become part of the Russian Federation.
Another participant in the protests, Oksana, who works at a travel agency, followed politics even before the latest events, although not to the same extent as now. Much more attention was paid to raising two daughters and music. But gradually Oksana became a regular participant in rallies.
“My goal is to preserve our traditions, language and culture. I want to defend my values,” she says. Oksana is worried that many participants in the “Russian Spring” do not see a common goal. “I saw that people were confused in their heads. No one fully understands what is happening, and this worries me... I voted for the DPR, but for me Ukraine is also my homeland. I felt fine in both Kyiv and Kharkov. I don’t see Donbass as a separate state. Should we be part of Russia? The Russian people are close to me, but I don’t know how the unification will affect it economically,” the girl shares her fears.
A student at one of the Donetsk universities, Daniil, explains his participation simply: “I adhere to Russian views, so it is quite natural that with the beginning of the “Russian spring” I could not stay away! I don’t pursue personal goals, I just want to live in the Russian state!”
In addition to rallies, he conducts active information work, supporting like-minded people on the Internet. “I used to play football or read in my free time, but now I don’t have a single free minute. I constantly monitor the news. I’m already dreaming about politics,” he claims.
“Taking into account the fact that we are unlikely to join Russia in the foreseeable future, our long-term goal is to create the state of Novorossiya in the southeast of Ukraine,” our interlocutor believes. He sees the main achievement of the “Russian Spring” as how many people supported it. “Never in my life would I have thought that tens of thousands of people would come out to a pro-Russian rally,” says the student. As for the negative, he said the protesters have too many different opinions. “Even within the same political orientation, several groups have arisen, and everyone pulls the blanket on themselves. Therefore, the protest dissipates,” notes Daniil.
Entrepreneur Sergei followed political events in the country long before the Maidan and even tried to participate in them, running for city council. According to him, from the first days he was in the thick of things and participated in almost all rallies. “We had to somehow express our protest against what was happening in Kyiv,” says the entrepreneur. The most vivid impression for Sergei was the storming of the regional prosecutor's office, when he had to come under fire. In addition, he recalls with noticeable nostalgia the first nights under the captured Regional State Administration building, when everyone was waiting for the assault and were ready to defend themselves to the end. Our interlocutor does not know how it will all end and is afraid that events will escalate into a full-fledged war. Sergei sees the greatest achievement of these three counter-revolutionary months in the fact that the people woke up and began to do something. And as a negative consequence of the events, the businessman named a sharp increase in crime and the inability of the militias and the government of the Donetsk Republic to curb crime. But Sergei is not discouraged and is confident that one way or another, the situation will stabilize and Donetsk will be able to defend its interests.
Mobile phone repairman Igor, according to him, is not directly involved in active actions, focusing more on observations and communication with those who make politics. In his opinion, the DPR is very heterogeneous, with multi-vector organizations operating in it, so it is difficult for him to determine the ultimate goal of all participants. According to Igor, it is better for Donbass to remain autonomous within Ukraine, because there is no certainty how good it will be with full unification with Russia.
Pensioner Alexander Alexandrovich, before the “Russian Spring” - former head of the auto-moto sports section. Among everything he has participated in recently, the pensioner considers holding a referendum the most difficult. “It was difficult for me because I was the chairman of the election commission. A lot of people. There have never been so many people voting,” says Alexander. In his opinion, the region should become a subject of the Russian Federation, but so far the leaders of the DPR do not have enough political experience to take decisive action.
Student Christian, even before this spring, was a member of a patriotic organization, had a strong political position and therefore was actively involved in anti-Maidan activities. “I try to help as much as I can, I do the work I can,” is how he evaluates his participation in what is happening. According to Christian, we will witness the complete independence of Donbass, and then the creation of Novorossiya, which could subsequently unite with Russia.
Victoria, who works in social services, like most Donetsk residents, did not follow politics before the Maidan. “I’m afraid that they will close the churches of the Moscow Patriarchate and impose Philaret, or Greek Catholics, on us,” she explains the reason for her appearance on the square. When asked what was the brightest thing during the three months of her struggle, Victoria replies: “The best thing is that we were not burned, like in Odessa, and we went on the offensive, which is the best defense!” But at the same time, she also sees negative aspects in the organization of the “Russian Spring”, which, according to her, lie in the fact that there is no centralization of power in the DPR: “There are too many leaders, but there is not one who would really lead the process.”
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