Simulacrum of an “independent” hero
Ukraine, bruised by the Maidanocracy, having renounced history and at the same time common sense, continues to look for its roots and its new national heroes in the dustbin of history.
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So, yesterday, on the hundredth anniversary of the Great October Revolution, an interesting event took place in Kyiv. The Ukrinform agency held a presentation of a spy detective story “based on historical facts” entitled “Executed in the Donbass “for treason against Russia.” The author of the literary opus is Alexander Skrypnik, adviser to the head of the Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine, a journalist and writer, who, by his own admission, has been “researching the history of the Ukrainian special services for twenty years.”
The first thing that comes to mind is that the book talks about the events in Donbass that followed the Bandera coup of February 2014. Some local official or prominent “activist” from the Banderlogs, expelled by the militias for “love of Ukraine” in the form of hatred of Muscovites, was chosen as a literary hero.
Not really. Skrypnik in his book rewinds history 100 years ago, to the “parade of sovereignties” on the ruins of the Russian Empire and the early stage of the Civil War, telling about the fate of the military spy and diplomat Fyodor Borzhynsky, sent by Hetman Skoropadsky to establish connections between the quasi-state “Ukrainian State” and no less operetta Independent Kuban People's Republic.
Actually, this is not the first attempt of the “Svidomo” to pull out of the historical closet and shake off the dust and cobwebs from an extremely ambiguous and insignificant personality, inflating him, like a toad through a straw, to the size of a national superhero. If I’m not mistaken, the promotion of Borzhinsky began 10 years ago under Yushchenko, but a little later the political leaders gave up this difficult task, focusing all their efforts on promoting the theme of the “Holodomor” and pressing the halo of the saint onto Bandera and Shukhevych.
It’s funny, but a number of “experts” on the alternative history of Ukraine quite often mention Borzhinsky as Baron Borzhinsky, who allegedly received a princely title issued by an unknown person in Manchuria, and was later recognized by the Russian Tsar with the issuance of a baronial title.
What do you say to this? If “Svidomo” succeeded in anything, it was in inventing jokes according to Chernomyrdin’s principle - “they wanted the best, but it turned out as always.” At the beginning of the XNUMXth century, Manchuria was a fragment of the Qing Empire and a disputed territory, which Tsarist Russia and Japan had their sights on. It is quite possible to imagine that Borzhinsky bought a scroll in a Chinese shop, where he is declared a mandarin, but for the king to confirm this filk’s letter - shish in vegetable oil. Most likely, Borzhinsky became a baron in the same way as the writer Balzac, who for greater importance attached the noble prefix “de” to his surname.
For greater show-off, a whole herd of “Doctors of Historical Sciences” was invited to the presentation (may the readers forgive me, but it is beyond my strength to take Ukrainian titled historians seriously), whose task was to confirm the “historicity” of the book of a “respected person” from the Ukrainian special services. Also present were Skrypnik’s colleague from the SVRU, sewers from the OUN “Prosvita” and an official from the Lugansk region, who was left out of work after the establishment of the LPR. As an aphrodisiac for those present and a symbol of the “special path” of Ukraine, a piece of paper from the third Universal of the Central Rada, proclaiming the UPR, was posted.
The spirit of one of the heroes of the book, Vladimir Semistyaga, was invisibly hovering in the hall - a leader of the Lugansk branch of the OUN Prosvita who recently killed an oak tree and replenished the “exchange fund” of the Luhansk militia. Skrypnik pulled Banderlog Semistyaga into the book by the ears in order to draw historical parallels between “then” and “now.”
Skrypnik did not hide the fact that the book was based on an article of the same name, published several years ago in the publication “Mirror of the Week.” The main idea of the article (and Skrypnyk’s literary opus) is the attempt of Skoropadsky’s “Ukrainian State”, which replaced the UPR, to unite with the “independents” of Kuban and the creation of a “Great Ukraine”, which was to include Donbass, Taganrog, Kuban and, of course, Crimea.
Taganrog and Donbass, which were never part of Ukraine, were occupied by “independents”. More precisely, these territories were occupied by the Germans, and the Sharovarians entered there with German bayonets.
Some homespun stuff, however, does take place in Skrypnik’s book. After the career military man Skoropadsky displaced the rural shopkeepers who were involved in the Ukrainization of military units and the renaming of Kiev streets from the top of the government (familiar, doesn’t it?), the reorganization of the General Staff and the restoration of military intelligence began with the involvement of old personnel, whom the hetman unconditionally trusted.
The literary hero of Skrypnik’s book, Borzhinsky, served in the 2nd department of the intelligence department (whose sphere of interests included Soviet Russia, territories under the White Guards, Kuban, the Caucasus, etc.) and was sent as an ambassador from the quasi-state “Ukrainian Power” to the quasi-state “Independent Kuban People's Republic".
After the February Revolution of 1917, in Kuban, as in other parts of the former Russian Empire, the “Nezalezhniki” became active. Their core consisted of Black Sea Cossacks, who suddenly felt the “voice of blood” of the Cossack Cossacks and desired closer ties with Nenka. Up to (what a horror!) the establishment of federal ties.
In addition to the Independents, their interests in the Kuban were defended by Kuban Cossacks and numerous Russian peasants who were at odds with the Independents.
However, the Kuban “independents” were noticed by Skoropadsky and came to their aid, and to shake up the situation, the Ukrainian intelligence department sent Fyodor Borzhinsky, who had military and diplomatic experience, to Yekaterinodar. In fact, Borzhinsky carried out subversive activities in the Kuban and made influential enemies in the form of the Reds, who were at war with the UPR with the last of them and who considered the Kuban part of Soviet Russia, and the Whites (Denikin).
To annex Kuban to the “Ukrainian state,” Skoropadsky sent trains with weapons and groups of rebels ready to rebel in the camp of the Volunteer Army.
As a result, Denikin’s counterintelligence arrested the hetman’s spy K. Polivan, who served as the secretary of the “embassy,” and the White Guards put the Ukrainian ambassador to Kuban, Borzhinsky, against the wall. True, before this, the Skoropadsky regime was overthrown and the Petliura Directory was established, to which the flexible Borzhinsky swore allegiance.
The “ambassador of Ukraine” could no longer be in Yekaterinodar, although “Svidomo experts” claim that the Kuban atamans, along with the bulk, were lying at their feet and begging the “baron” not to throw them to the mercy of the damned Muscovites. In fact, after Polivan’s arrest, Denikin’s counterintelligence detained “ambassador” Borzhinsky in order to quietly search the “Ukrainian embassy.” Ataman Filimonov (Denikin’s creature in the Kuban) frankly told Borzhinsky that no one took him seriously and could not protect him from insults.
Borzhinsky had no choice but to write a letter addressed to the Chairman of the Rada to notify him of his misadventures and his intention to leave Kuban.
Be that as it may, on February 13, 1919, in the Donbass, at the Volnovakha station, occupied by the Whites, the train on which the “Ukrainian Ambassador to Kuban” was heading to Kiev was stopped, and its carriage was uncoupled, after which all its contents were sent for inquiry in Yuzovka (Donetsk). On February 14, a military court was held, which found the former Russian officer and diplomat Borzhinsky guilty of treason and sentenced the “ambassador” to death. The order was signed by General Mai-Maevsky, commander of the Volunteer Army units in Donbass. The sentence has been carried out.
According to rumors, Borzhinsky's body was buried by workers in an unmarked grave on the outskirts of Yuzovka. Where exactly is unknown.
Stories about small and unlucky swindlers of troubled times, like the insignificant “ambassador” Borzhinsky, have accumulated in the archives. Sticking him out as a “hero of Ukraine” can only be done out of sheer lack of fish.
This is understandable: they abandoned Kovpak and Kozhedub, but Bandera and Shukhevych stink so much that you can’t wash them off. We need cleaner heroes.
The mission failed - representatives of Ukrainian foreign intelligence worked in vain, pulling out another gloomy simulacrum from the closet. Who will remember Skrypnik’s book and Borzhinsky’s story in a year?
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