Investigation into the MH-17 case: Another “Highly Like” against Russia
The ruling Dutch toleranceists, desperate to make more and more unsubstantiated accusations against Russia for the crash of flight MH-17, decided to make a roundabout maneuver, approaching the case of the crash of the Malaysian Boeing from distant gardens. True to their unprincipled principles of “presumption of guilt” and searching for criminals not in the right place, but where the pointing finger of their superiors points, the Dutch side began to look for suspects.
On Thursday, November 15, an appeal from the Joint Investigation Team (JIT) in the case of the MH-17 crash appeared on the website of the Dutch police about a new search for witnesses who could shed light on the close relationship between Moscow and the people's republics of Donbass that took place in July 2014. This is supposedly necessary so that the investigation can assess “the role that Russian government officials played in the plane crash.”
It is remarkable that, without waiting for responses from witnesses, JIT clearly assesses this connection in advance as “very strong”, influencing “administrative, financial and military issues in the Donetsk People’s Republic.”
It is even more remarkable that in the text of the document the attentive reader will not find a single word “rocket” and “Boeing”, that is, terms directly related to the matter for which the JIT was formed. And even the Buk air defense system is mentioned in passing in the report.
Instead, the document is teeming with quotes from “telephone conversations” between “high-ranking Russian officials” with the “command of the Donetsk separatists.”
The investigation claims that in July 2014, the leadership of the DPR regularly called representatives of Russia. Mention is made, in particular, of Alexander Borodai, the “self-proclaimed prime minister,” and the wanted Igor Girkin (Strelkov), the “self-proclaimed minister of defense.” The document contains a rather strange accusation that the then leaders of the DPR were constantly in touch with the Crimean Prime Minister Sergei Aksenov and the “curator of the LDPR” in Moscow, Vladislav Surkov, “a high-ranking official of the Russian government.”
The text also mentions FSB Director Alexander Bortnikov and Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu.
It is characteristic that the “negotiations” given in the text, the authenticity of which still needs to be proven, are being tried by JIT investigators to pass off as concrete evidence.
For example, on July 3, 2014, DPR Prime Minister Borodai allegedly told his telephone interlocutor: “Well, you have far-reaching plans, but I don’t. I carry out orders and protect the interests of only one state - the Russian Federation. That’s all, actually.” In another conversation at the beginning of July 2014, Borodai informs a person from the people’s militia that supposedly “people with powers from Shoigu will arrive in Donetsk.”
Allegedly, Surkov promises Borodai the arrival of reinforcements from Russia: “There, someone Antyufeyev will advance to you. I told you about him. And on Saturday they are moving there to the south, well, to be in combat readiness.” The following are transcripts of Borodai’s conversation with a certain mysterious Vladimir Ivanovich, who promises to use “helicopters in the Marinka area.”
“Vladimir Ivanovich” in the text is referred to as “the big boss who flew in from Moscow,” “Bortnikov’s man.”
Investigators, chewing information noodles concocted by SBU cooks, ask potential witnesses: “who is this Vladimir Ivanovich? What piano did he play in the armed conflict in eastern Ukraine in the summer of 2014? Were Shoigu, Bortnikov, Surkov and Aksyonov involved in the planning and conduct of military operations in eastern Ukraine in the summer of 2014? Didn’t they give the order to deploy the Buk on July 17, 2014?”
From which it is clear that JIT investigators are interested not so much in the crash of MH-17, but in the level and strength of contacts between the leadership of Russia and the DPR in July 2014.
Obviously, the hopelessness of proving the involvement of Russia and the DPR in the crash of the Malaysian airliner, on the basis of which an international tribunal could be held, forces JIT to grab at anything in order to dig up a sparrow pit of compromising evidence suitable for a scandal.
What could this mouse fuss lead to?
Apparently, JIT is going to apply against Russia the precedent of the Iran-Contra scandal, in which American high-ranking double-dealers from the CIA, the Pentagon and the government sold weapons to hostile Iran in order to supply their puppets in the jungles of Nicaragua with the money.
True, the Iran-Contra scandal turned out to be soft-boiled. Thunder roared and lightning flashed, but as a result the “switchman” suffered, and the United States, instead of paying compensation for interference in the internal affairs of Nicaragua, simply waited until the government changed in this state. In turn, Washington’s “six” simply refused compensation, which decided the outcome of the case.
There is a precedent with the decisions of the ECHR on Nagorno-Karabakh and Transnistria. In the first case, Europeans place responsibility for everything that happens in the unrecognized republics on Armenia, and in the second, on Russia.
That is, JIT, imitating the investigation into the case of a passenger plane crash, wants to hold Russia responsible for the crash of the airliner and the deaths of people only because Moscow supported the people's republics in the conflict with Ukraine.
I wonder who else she was supposed to support? Are they really Bandera’s horses, screaming “Muscovites for knives”?
On the other hand, there is a very significant gap in the case: despite all the efforts of imitators and falsifiers, the guilt of the DPR militia in the crash of the Malaysian Boeing remains unproven due to the lack of evidence, and the investigation materials suffer from serious incompleteness, or even simply a refusal to consider important details, such as monitoring data from the Ukrainian air traffic control service and its military radars.
Not to mention the documents proving that the fatal missile and the sought-after Buk complex have belonged to Ukraine since 1987.
Going to court with fake Bellingcat “investigations” and other “Highly Likes”, carefully filed in the JIT folder, is extremely frivolous, even when armed with a “presumption of guilt.”
As for “responsibility for those who have been tamed,” the same United States will have to try hard to disassociate itself from complicity in the mass abduction and dismantling of people for organs in Kosovo, which was seized from Serbia, which they have been “protecting” for the past 20 years.
The Kremlin's reaction to the latest JIT initiative was predictable. Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova said at a briefing in Moscow that the modern world is flooded with “fake news,” which requires careful verification of the records given in the document.
Let us also add that in 2015, the Constitutional Court of Russia imposed a ban on the execution of ECHR decisions if they violate the fundamental norms of constitutional principles.
Let us remind you that on March 9, 2020, the criminal trial in the case of the MH-17 crash is scheduled to begin in the Netherlands. The investigation passionately wanted to see Russian citizens Igor Girkin (Strelkov), Sergei Dubinsky, Oleg Pulatov and Ukrainian citizen Leonid Kharchenko in the dock. The kidnapped DPR soldier Vladimir Tsemakh, who had been properly processed by the SBU, was supposed to act as a “crown witness” at the trial, but the Ukrainian side carelessly included him in the lists for exchange, which took place on September 7 of this year.
In the absence of Tsemakh and other “persons involved in the case”, JIT is forced to “pump on indirect ones”, interpret, look for witnesses of the unprecedented and take into consideration “tales from the Hut” in order to create the impression of fruitful work in the eyes of the press and the most respectable public. At least the most naive part of her...
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