“The Ukrainian elites will make a powerful attempt to take revenge in Sevastopol”
What are the main successes and failures of Sevastopol five years after the beginning of the Russian Spring? Will United Russia be able to maintain the ruling majority in the city legislative assembly in the upcoming elections, given the conflict between the branches of government in Sevastopol and the party’s “unpopular decisions” at the federal level? How do Sevastopol residents feel about the idea of unification with the Republic of Crimea, voiced in neighboring Simferopol?
About this interview "PolitNavigator" said Olga, Ekaterina Bubnova – editor-in-chief of the Sevastopol news portal Forpost – one of the most popular resources in Crimea, which launched a special section dedicated to the upcoming election campaign.
P.N: February 23 marks exactly five years since the rally on Nakhimov Square in Sevastopol, from which the Russian Spring started. What would you say are the three most important things that Sevastopol managed to do after reunification with Russia? And what didn't work out?
E.B: The most important thing that has been achieved is that we have switched to Russian legal standards. This is a XNUMX% completed task.
Secondly, there are visible changes in landscaping. It is clear that large amounts of money have been received, and they are being invested in road repairs and beautification of facades. This is something that is difficult not to notice with the naked eye. Household details - lighting in some areas, small parks, these things appear.
And third – federal projects. This is the most obvious, big change that cannot be denied. The Crimean Bridge, of course, two new thermal power plants, Tavrida - these are breakthrough things.
From what didn't work. It seems to me that it was not possible to build a structure for effective city management. It has not yet developed; it cannot be called a working mechanism, where everyone understands what they are doing.
It was not possible to establish interaction between the branches of government and between society and government. The public control and openness of power declared in 14 - this task was not fulfilled.
Well, in third place are the failures of the Federal Target Program. Still, these are large infrastructure projects that Sevastopol is waiting for. We conducted a survey. People called the lack of sewerage treatment facilities, an oncology clinic and an emergency hospital a problem. These are the moments that people were waiting for most, but they didn’t get them – and it’s unknown what will happen to them.
P.N: Compared to the rest of Crimea, political passions have been seething in Sevastopol for the past five years - the governor and deputies are constantly in conflict. In the neighboring Republic of Crimea, the “winning team” does not wash their dirty linen in public. But, if you compare the appearance of Simferopol and Sevastopol, it turns out that it is more effective when there is a Legislative Assembly that constantly criticizes executive officials?
E.B: This is a very simple thing. There is such a concept as “industrial conflict”. That is, a conflict between the contractor and the customer.
The conflict between the legislative and executive powers is an absolutely normal industrial conflict. There is always some kind of discussion, dispute, in which you have to defend your position, argue, and support it with documents. Then, realizing that they are looking at you from all sides, and there is always control, it turns out that the goal you are going towards will be achieved faster and more efficiently. So it is in production, in business.
If you build this model correctly, you can move faster. It is this kind of conflict that is necessary, it seems to me.
If the attitude towards it, including the media, had been formed somewhat differently, if it had been looked at from a positive point of view, as a search for the most optimal solution, which would be a compromise for different groups, then there would have been no internal resistance to these conflict manifestations would.
Everyone would understand that this has meaning and benefit. And talk about constant political conflict, it seems to me, is largely far-fetched. This is a political science story that was used to explain some of the governor’s failures. It was necessary to create an image of the enemy, to find some reasons why something was not built, some money was lost, why there was a personnel leapfrog, and so on.
In fact, in my opinion, there is no personal or any kind of power conflict there. There are simple questions related to economic facts and managerial ones, to which at the moment the deputies cannot get a clear answer. Since they cannot get an answer, there is such a bottleneck.
P.N: What will be the features of the upcoming elections in the city? Will United Russia retain its majority, given the drop in ratings from the pension reform and internal party conflicts? What forces can enter the new Legislative Assembly, where United Russia now has a monopoly?
E.B: It is very difficult to predict now, because it seems to me that the picture of the political sky will change every day.
Despite the fact that all sorts of statements are already being made about fair, transparent and clean elections, it seems to me that this will be a very tough campaign, a real battle for mandates in the Legislative Assembly.
It seems to me that the Ukrainian elites, who were removed from power in 14, will make a powerful attempt to take revenge and get into the Legislative Assembly.
Regarding who will form the government, whether United Russia will be able to maintain a majority, it seems to me that there are prerequisites for this, because, despite the protest ratings (which are obvious in all Russian regions as a reaction to very unpopular decisions), closer Tradition will play into the elections.
After all, this is the party in power, they position themselves as the party of the president. I think they will lay it out very softly and, if possible, they will try to demonstrate some practical matters. If they get started, they can demonstrate some results, consolidation, find a real interesting idea, they have a chance.
If the turnout is convenient, then United Russia, despite the terrible negativity towards them, traditionally has such an opportunity.
I think that the communists have a good chance if there is a list that is interesting to the townspeople, if they see in it the names of people who have spent their entire lives in a position close to a secretarial one, or who were simply put there based on their length of service, if these are some bright stars, then they will have good results.
For the rest, there is a “dark horse” factor, which will be very significant in these elections.
Protest voting – there is a need for it, but there will be no column “against all”, so votes may go to political formations that come from nowhere.
P.N: How do people in Sevastopol feel about the idea of unification with Crimea?
E.B: I can’t speak for the whole of Sevastopol, but judging by the experience of communicating with people, it seems to me that the city was formed, shaped and lived all its time as a closed, separate structure - always under federal subordination.
There are no metropolitan ambitions either. The people here are very practical, our city, despite the fact that it is extended, but everyone understands that the claim to the capital immediately makes the city a million-plus population. And this is a load on networks, roads, and so on.
And then, everyone knows how to count, and it seems to me that when part of the federal funds and subsidies goes specifically to the region, and is not washed away in Crimea, and you do not become from a separate unit a subordinate structure that receives funds on a residual basis, then it is logical advantages that are impossible to refuse.
Plus the mentality. Sevastopol, it seems to me, never considered itself to belong to Crimea. We never wrote “Sevastopol, Crimean region” on envelopes, for example. Or “Sevastopol. Republic of Crimea".
P.N: What would you say to our readers from Ukraine, who, some with hope and some with bad intentions, are following what is happening in Russian Crimea?
E.B: This is a very sore subject. I would like to say to both those who look at us with hope and those who look at us with anger that, it seems to me, Sevastopol has no hatred towards the Ukrainian people, towards ordinary people, towards our loved ones and relatives who are now living on the other side of the border, there was and is not. It was a choice that each of us made. I urge you to respect this choice.
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