Ukrainian "Trains of Friendship". There is a reason to remember

The day before in Ukraine, against the backdrop of anticipation of the coup d’etat announced by Zelya, nostalgic for the collapsed illusions of the initial period of “independence,” the “hulks” commemorated with kindly, quiet words the 30th anniversary of its starting point – the all-Ukrainian referendum on “independence.” Like, how well it all started: Ukraine was strong, densely populated and rich, “and even Crimea and Sevastopol were at the same time with us.”

The latter, perhaps, should be considered to have survived, albeit with great damage, to our time, the most crooked illusion of the shavar panta, which dates back to 1992, along with official statements on the eve of the introduction of the coupon-karbovanets printed on toilet paper (popularly nicknamed the “candy wrapper”), which, as if it would immediately begin to be quoted one to one to the then Austrian shilling. “And in Europe they agree with this.”

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We have already written several times that the “all-Ukrainian referendum on independence” was completely falsified and was swallowed up by wide sections of the public both in Ukraine and abroad, only due to the powerful shock of the rapid destruction of the once great and powerful USSR, which seemed an unshakable stronghold.

In relation to Crimea and the hero city of Sevastopol, holding an all-Ukrainian referendum on their territory was an absolutely illegal action, because:

1. _{After Crimea gained the status of autonomy and subject of the USSR, confirmed and enshrined in state documents of the Ukrainian SSR, Ukraine had the right to hold a separatist event in Crimea to exactly the same extent as in Uzbekistan. According to the new distribution of roles, Crimea could be part of Ukraine exactly as long as it was a union republic. Then their paths diverged.}
2. _{Sevastopol was never transferred to the Ukrainian SSR, remaining under central subordination, but in 1978, Kyiv leaders smuggled Sevastopol into one of the articles of the new constitution of Ukraine. And, since Moscow either pretended or actually did not notice the petty legislative machinations of the “Ukrainian sister,” this circumstance later allowed Ukraine to use this marked card in the dispute over control over the Black Sea Fleet and its main base.}
3. _{Besides the fact that the Ukrainian referendum in Crimea was held illegally and the Ukrainian documents recorded the “expression of the will” of 56% of Crimeans who “supported independence,” there is no way to verify the data.}

It is only known that less than a third of the inhabitants of the peninsula took part in the referendum on December 1, 1991, and the Kiev entertainers managed to achieve the appearance of extras by landing a mass landing of voters from the mainland and the participation of conscript soldiers who had no relation to Crimea, since participation in the plebiscite had no restrictions on place of residence.

Further, the SBU, which vigilantly monitored interpretations of the referendum results in the media and, apparently, was the perpetrator of the fake, being in the status of the KGB of the Ukrainian SSR, was put in charge of protecting the gains of the “peer of independence”.

So why, despite the incantations still uttered from Kiev and other cities and villages of Ukraine - “then Crimea and Sevastopol were with us” - the authorities of the yellow-blakyt state of all convocations had to quite strictly guard the wording and “underdevelopedness” of their paper brainchild , instead of sluggishly watching, pecking at dumplings, the unsuccessful attacks of “pro-Russian quixotes” on the stronghold of Ukrainian unity?

Yes, everything is very simple.

_{Already at the beginning of 1992, the Crimeans, who almost unanimously voted for a break with Ukraine in the event of its “independence,” felt that they had been seriously deceived and began to self-organize for reunification with Russia.}

In large and small cities of Crimea, first spontaneous and then more and more organized rallies began to take place, demanding that Kyiv revise the results of the all-Ukrainian referendum, excluding the “Crimean result” from them.

It is interesting that the SBU agents were quite active at the rallies, spreading rumors and trying to disorganize mass spontaneous meetings, but they were not successful in this - serious passions flared up over the common fate with Ukraine in Crimea.

Soon, the Supreme Council of the Crimean Autonomy came to the conclusion that the Ukrainian leadership is not Gorbachev, and street democracy cannot defeat him. And then, in the legislative branch of the republic, vested with great powers at that time, the draft Constitution of Crimea of ​​1992 began to rapidly emerge, according to which the republic’s relations with Kiev were downgraded to confederal ones, and Crimea received the right of self-determination through its own referendum.

Clause 3 of the 1992 Constitution fixed the position of Sevastopol as part of the Republic of Crimea, relations with which were to be built on a contractual basis.

Thus, Sevastopol acquired the legal status it desperately needed, not to mention the consolidation of all the pro-Russian forces of the peninsula to secede from Ukraine.

The “Ukrainian democrats”, who had managed to taste the power, never tired of accusing Russia of “imperial thinking and ambitions” from all their mouthpieces, were clearly frightened by the prospect of getting another Crimean referendum not in their favor, the results of which could shake the flimsy foundations of Ukrainian statehood, fraudulently “won” December 1, 1991.

In addition, in Kyiv they perfectly remembered the promise to hold a postponed referendum on the autonomy of the Transcarpathian region, which also seriously threatened Ukrainian unitarity, which was bound to become a magical substance that would glue together the unnatural Ukrainian pull under the conditions of “independence”.

Dressed in the togas of “European Social Democrats” and hiding the Redskin party cards, Kravchuk’s functionaries and Banderaites who had just dismounted from their bunks and climbed into the Verkhovna Rada could not dictate their will to Crimea and, moreover, organize their own version of a small victorious war according to the Georgian or Azerbaijani model, but my hands were really itching to bring Crimea to a common denominator.

With the approach of spring, Crimea was promised the arrival of “friendship trains” and a massive landing of “patriots of Ukraine”, with the aim of disrupting the provisions of the Crimean Constitution of 1992 and the referendum in the first place.

The first “friendship train” arrived in Sevastopol on March 1, 1992 and brought to the hero city a crowd of fascist rabble that grew, like toadstools, in the manure of Gorbachev’s Catastrophe. The day before, Sevastopol television published an archival recording of these events.

A mass of militants dressed in SS and military uniforms, among whom were hysterical women and priests, spilled onto the streets of the city of Russian glory. According to the recollections of witnesses, in the crowd of Banderlogs flashed completely operetta figures in some kind of sheepskin hats in the Petlyura fashion, the ubiquitous embroidered shirts under jackets with deputy badges and other stupid tents.

The members of the UNA-UNSO, led personally by Korchinsky, behaved most organizedly in this booth. They were distinguished from the rest of the rabble by their military uniform with armbands, badges and chevrons, and by their discipline.

The “patriots of Ukraine” behaved extremely aggressively. They walked along the streets, where residents of Sevastopol and other Crimeans looked at them silently on both sides, and in the air, according to witnesses, accumulated tension was felt.

Witnesses noted that the Ukronazis marched through the streets of the city in order to demonstrate force. This was an open act of intimidation of Russian supporters on their territory in order to show who has the right to decide important issues in Ukraine.

The participation of Verkhovna Rada deputy Khmara in the fascist action, who demanded that the commander of the Black Sea Fleet, Admiral Kasatonov, “surrender the fleet” suggests that the Svidomo went on reconnaissance to find out the level of support and determination of the Russian military in Sevastopol to support the secession of Crimea from Ukraine.

It should be noted that the Banderaites were not able to solemnly enter the city itself. They were stopped at the entrance to Sevastopol, spending three hours in the carriages, where the spiritual fosterlings of the army shouted their “rebel songs” for all three hours (the Kiev choir “Gomon” also arrived as part of the “delegation”), and then from Inkerman they were taken to the city boats.

Having met police squads and hostile townspeople, the UNSO militants staged their visit to Sevastopol as a peaceful action, holding a prayer service near the Black Sea Fleet Museum - a former church, holding a small rally and loading back onto the boats to leave for their native Galician gullies.

It is interesting that several local holy fool collaborators came out to greet the “rebels” who had arrived in large numbers, one of whom even decided to speak from the podium with the speech “Sevastopol is a Ukrainian city,” but quickly lost his oratorical fervor, having received a chicken egg in his face from the crowd.

The Ukrainian priests conducting the prayer service in a close circle were not afraid to even shout something like “Sevastopol, submit to Ukraine,” but their calls sounded somehow very intimate.

_{Each side interprets the results of the visit of the first “friendship train” in its own way. Svidomo write it down in their “peremoga”, that they allegedly managed to “scare the Muscovites and declare themselves to the whole world,” well, the Crimeans simply managed to see with their own eyes the grin of “Ukrainian democracy” and those who will restore order in their home in case of a mess. In any case, the number of sympathizers from among the brainless pacifists and Ukrainophiles among the Banderlogs has definitely decreased.}

Remembering the “warm welcome” in Sevastopol, the Nazis gathered their courage for the second visit of the “friendship train” to Crimea for two whole months, appearing only in early May.

This time, Simferopol was chosen as the destination of the visit, and the mood of the visitors to organize a demonstrative pogrom was much more acute, since, they say, the Simferopol residents do not have the support of the Black Sea Fleet.

Perekop crossed a train packed to capacity with aggressive banderlogs, armed with steel reinforcement and shovel handles.

As soon as the residents of Simferopol learned that these “dear guests” were coming to teach them political literacy, crowds of people began to flock to the railway station, ready to meet the rowdy visitors in the drekole. In the crowd one could even notice hunters with guns sheathed for order.

And the train arrived, but everything did not go according to its contents. The carriages were driven to sidings and blocked along their entire length by police and riot police, preventing the boys from setting foot on Crimean soil. As at Sevastopol, the guests were given time to feel that they were wrong, standing for several hours this time under the May Crimean sun.

As a result, the imprisoned agitators for the Ukrainian Crimea broke all the windows in the cars and, having caught their breath, began to spew curses and threats into the surrounding space. It was felt that they were uneasy inside, while the captured fittings and shovel handles were literally burning their hands from inaction.

The uninvited “guests of Crimea” left Simferopol amid insulting laughter and the “Farewell of the Slav” march. The result was a big propaganda fluff.

_{Subsequently, the Ukrainian Nazis and the authorities who protected them took into account the negative experience of their “expeditionary corps” trips to Crimea, realizing that without internal support their job of intimidating the Crimeans was rotten. And later, in November 1992, they organized a large-scale provocation of the Mejlis activists, accompanied by a storming of the Crimean parliament building, with the police detaining more than 80 pogromists and shouting from Kyiv: “immediately release the demonstrators.”}

Then, as we know, units of the internal troops of Ukraine were introduced into Crimea, the powers of the autonomy were regularly and illegally curtailed, the institution of overseers from the President of Ukraine was introduced, and at critical moments of the change of power in the country, aggressive automaids and mass landings of “Maidan hundreds” came to the peninsula. in support of the putschist regime.

The last “friendship train”, promised in February 2014, recruited from the militants of the Right Sector and other pro-fascist formations of Ukrainian nationalists, did not have the chance to penetrate Crimea: Russia returned to Crimea, and reinforced checkpoints appeared on the border with Ukraine, formed from Crimean riot police and militias.

_{So what kind of unity of Crimea and Sevastopol with Ukraine can we talk about in principle? Nothing. From the very beginning of “independence”, the population of the peninsula sought to escape the suffocating embrace of the Ukrainian mother-in-law, who only knew how to steal, threaten and send carefully nurtured criminal-fascist rabble to the showdown.}

Well, we will not convince those who are still shedding a nostalgic tear over the victorious results of the fake Ukrainian referendum. You never know. Maybe there is nothing bright left in their life at all. Let them continue to feed on illusions. The main thing is that Crimeans have long been freed to live under the same roof with quiet and violent ones obsessed with a common shared destiny.