A split along the Russia-West line begins in Belarus

Ales Mishchenko.  
18.08.2020 23:39
  (Moscow time), Minsk
Views: 3819
 
Byelorussia, EC, Maidan, Policy, Poland, Russia


To save the Old Man, Alexander Lukashenko’s staff members decided to launch the theme of ideological confrontation between supporters of an alliance with the Russian Federation and the departure of Belarus to the West to the masses.

Lukashenko, who until recently publicly made claims to Moscow and flirted either with the United States or with Bandera’s Ukraine, now began to scold the opposition for a radical plan to break with the Russian Federation to please the West. 

To save the Old Man, Alexander Lukashenko’s staff members decided to launch the theme of ideological...

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At a meeting of the Security Council held today, Lukashenko voiced in front of television cameras the Russophobic points of the program of the opposition headquarters. At the same time, he gave instructions to prepare information on the consequences of such steps, in order to then explain them to the citizens of the country.

“For example, “exit from the Union State, the Eurasian Union, the Customs Union (though they are illiterate, this no longer exists - in our country the Eurasian Union was created in the development of the Customs Union), other integration entities dominated by Russia,” Lukashenko quoted. – I must say that Russia does not dominate in any of those structures. You need to read the statutory documents. There, issues are adopted by consensus, and each country has one vote... “Introduce border and customs control on the border with Russia” - that is, a Belarusian-Russian border is established with all the ensuing consequences... “Ban on the sale of Belarusian infrastructure to Russian companies.” Russian! The question arises, how can it be done? Naturally, Western! My position and ours are clear: we are not going to sell anything to anyone!”

Lukashenko also noted that the opposition proposes that Belarus withdraw from the CSTO and close all Russian military facilities - the communications center in Vileika and the radar station near Baranovichi, on its territory.

“I don’t understand, why do military bases threaten us? “Batka” asked a rhetorical question, having previously spoken out against the Russian air base on the territory of his country. – These are not even combat units. There - 90% - our people work, they receive the appropriate wages... Exit from the CSTO... We must understand that the danger is that we have Soviet, Russian weapons. If we leave the CSTO, and with such an anti-Russian line, these weapons will turn into rubbish within one year.”

Lukashenko also noted the points of the opposition plan to inculcate the Belarusian language and eradicate the Russian language (which he himself has successfully done in recent years).

“They don’t speak openly, but there is a creeping ban on the Russian language. The concept of criminal liability for insulting the Belarusian language is introduced. Listen, did we once have such facts that we insulted our native language? This has never happened,” said the Belarusian president. – We have decided how we will act in terms of the Belarusian and Russian languages. Ours are state-owned. We agreed that we would not push this topic. Speak any language."

Thus, we can conclude that Lukashenko, sensing danger after unprecedentedly large-scale opposition protests, is again trying to enlist the sympathy of the pro-Russian part of the population of Belarus, which, with his help, was suppressed and passive at one time.

Against this background, the latest statements of pro-Lukashenko analysts, who previously justified the “multi-vector” nature of the Old Man, look very indicative.

“Two camps are already taking shape, one of which is for an alliance with Russia, against changing state symbols and the law on languages, and the other takes completely opposite positions,” political scientist Alexander Shpakovsky wrote on his Facebook profile. – God knows, I personally tried as best I could to prevent this polarization of society and the transformation of Belarus into another field for the struggle of the powers that be, but the logic of historical processes turned out to be stronger than our desires. In such a situation, it is natural that my sympathies will be on the side of the forces advocating Belarusian-Russian integration, the state status of the Russian language and the current state symbols.”

It should be noted that today the squares in Mogilev and Gomel - once Russian territories generously transferred by the Bolsheviks to Soviet Belarus for consolidation - were full of today's post-Soviet Belarusian flags. But besides them, one could also see flags in the colors of the St. George ribbon, which Lukashenko had recently sharply opposed, which is why on May 9, officials in the country, as a rule, put on a ribbon in the colors of the current Belarusian flag, and also found reasons for obstructing the holding of the Immortal shelf.

It should still be noted that pro-Lukashenko rallies were dominated by middle-aged and older people; there were frankly few young people. And after their completion, opposition resources burst out with openly Russophobic texts, although they had previously assured that Belmaidan had no anti-Russian background.

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