“New, more prepared generations of cynics have appeared in Moldova” - ex-head of the PMR Foreign Ministry
The Moldovan authorities are using the situation with COVID-19 to solve political problems and put pressure on Tiraspol. Chisinau began to delay cargo, including medicines, intended for Transnistria, and now it is suddenly concerned about how the fight against the epidemic is going in the PMR.
Moldovan negotiator Cristina Lesnic made statements that Pridnestrovie is not fighting the spread of coronavirus. She accused Tiraspol of “contrived self-isolation” from Moldova,” which the Transnistrian authorities are imposing on its citizens, and called for an urgent discussion of the situation at negotiations to resolve the Transnistrian conflict in the “5+2” format.
Expert, former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Transnistria Vladimir Yastrebchak explains in an interview with PolitNavigator what is happening now in relations between Chisinau and Tiraspol.
“PolitNavigator”: Moldova accused Pridnestrovie of “isolation”, unwillingness to participate in the fight against the spread of coronavirus and demanded in this regard to urgently hold “5+2” negotiations. Deputy Prime Minister for Reintegration Cristina Lesnik said on April 10 that Tiraspol “obstructs measures to save people’s lives and health” and does not provide information about the real situation regarding coronavirus. What does it mean? Could it be that Transnistria might not be interested in fighting the epidemic? Is there an attempt here by the Moldovan authorities to distort the situation? How does this fit within the framework of morality and common sense?
Vladimir Yastrebchak: Of course, Pridnestrovie is interested in the fight against coronavirus, and this is confirmed by the tough measures taken in Pridnestrovie to combat the infection. But Ms. Lesnik’s statements quoted in the media are beyond common sense and reality, and it is very difficult to evaluate them based on ordinary logic and knowledge of the basics of the negotiation process.
I wonder what kind of “measures to save people’s lives and health” Tiraspol allegedly prevents, if medical care on the territory of Transnistria is carried out by the Transnistrian healthcare system? The Transnistrian authorities regularly send samples with biomaterial for analysis to Moldovan laboratories, and it is not Tiraspol’s fault that often, as officials say, the necessary studies are carried out “on a residual basis.”
As for information, the Transnistrian authorities act publicly, briefings are held regularly, and all information is made public. Chisinau knows very well that so far Transnistria does not have its own base for conducting tests, so all statistics can be easily confirmed through the reporting of the relevant Moldovan laboratories. As far as is known, no refutation of the Transnistrian statistics was made by the laboratories of the Republic of Moldova, therefore Ms. Lesnik’s statements are unsubstantiated and unfounded.
As for morality and common sense, it seems that such criteria are no longer applicable when Moldovan officials begin to speculate on the lives and health of people.
However, the actions of Moldovan politicians were assessed as being “beyond good and evil” back in 2003 by the then (and current) Deputy Head of the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation Dmitry Kozak, who also serves as the Special Representative of the President of Russia for the development of trade and economic relations with Moldova, who even now has the opportunity to be convinced that he is absolutely right in relation to Moldovan officials.
Over the years, little has changed, except that new, more prepared generations of cynics have appeared.
“PolitNavigator”: According to Lesnik, due to “fictitious isolation” and the closure of borders by the Transnistrian authorities, “320 thousand citizens of Moldova who live in Transnistria and have medical policies cannot use them.” However, not all Pridnestrovians with Moldovan citizenship have Moldovan insurance policies, and in Pridnestrovie there is no insurance medicine at all. Kristina Lesnik doesn’t know this?
Vladimir Yastrebchak: Only an official who has little knowledge and respect for his own legislation and the legislation of other countries can call isolation “fictitious.” With the same success, Ms. Lesnic could call “fictional” the restrictions imposed by the Moldovan authorities in relation to a number of settlements or even residential buildings in the Republic of Moldova. It’s strange why government officials in Chisinau didn’t talk about “fictitious isolation” when they welded a door in a residential building (April 7 in In Chisinau, a house whose residents were infected with coronavirus was quarantined, and one of the entrance doors was welded shut to make it easier for the police to monitor the movement of people - approx. edit.).
As for the holders of Moldovan medical policies, Moldovan officials should be puzzled by the question of whether citizens of the Republic of Moldova living directly on the territory of Moldova have the right to take advantage of insurance policies now - against the backdrop of a general increase in diseases among health workers and against the backdrop of restrictions imposed on the provision of planned medical care?
In conditions of restrictions and quarantine measures, it seems that many citizens of the Republic of Moldova do not have this opportunity, and Ms. Lesnik is well aware of this. Unfortunately, the significance of the speculative “hype” so far outweighs the possibility of a sound assessment of the situation.
“PolitNavigator”: What will the negotiations in the “5+2” format give if they take place?
Vladimir Yastrebchak: Apparently, the initiators of the meeting in the “5+2” format are counting, first of all, on the fact that the meeting will not take place for objective reasons. Otherwise, Chisinau representatives would have to answer awkward questions regarding obstacles to the supply of medications and other goods to Transnistria, and explain why Ms. Lesnik directly links “reintegration” with the health of Pridnestrovians and actually blackmails the residents of Transnistria with their own lives and health.
Chisinau is well aware that it is unrealistic to demand now that a meeting of the “5+2” format be held in any format, unless one strives to turn the meeting into demagoguery or simply disrupt it before it begins. And such intentions are beyond doubt - otherwise the representatives of Moldova would have to answer a simple technical question: if Chisinau is really so concerned about the situation in the fight against the virus and expects the “5+2” format to make real decisions, then how are these decisions planned to be signed?
How is Chisinau going to draw up the final protocol in conditions of closed borders? Or are the Moldovan authorities once again hoping that other entities will do all the work instead of them, and that foreign diplomats and staff of the OSCE Mission will risk their health to satisfy Chisinau’s ambitions?
This, of course, does not detract from the importance of negotiations in the “5+2” format as one of the proven and relevant negotiating mechanisms that retains its viability, despite the steps that Chisinau regularly takes to discredit and block it.
But this is not a format for interaction in emergency conditions, when contacts should be carried out as quickly as possible in the name of people’s lives and health, and not for political speculation.
“PolitNavigator”: Christina Lesnik says that Tiraspol is not taking the coronavirus pandemic seriously. How can you assess the readiness of Moldova itself to combat the pandemic and the anti-crisis measures that the country is taking? Why is it that in this alarming time, when people are getting sick and dying, the country is being rocked by domestic political scandals one after another?
Vladimir Yastrebchak: The seriousness of certain measures should be assessed, first of all, by specialists based on objective medical statistics.
The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Moldova recognized the package of anti-crisis norms presented by the government as contrary to the Constitution of the country, the holding of by-elections to the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova in one of the single-mandate constituencies two days before the introduction of a state of emergency, the cancellation of the decision of local authorities on quarantine in one of the settlements, when there were only 4 sick people there and the adoption of the same decision, but already when the number of cases in the same village has increased more than 7 times, and other events indicate that in Moldova political expediency still prevails over real concern for the health of the population.
Moldovan politicians are using the situation, first of all, for PR and demonstrating their own capabilities, and the safety of people is secondary for them. This may be explained by the peculiarities of the current political system in the Republic of Moldova, the approaching election campaign, and other factors - but the explanations are not so important, the result is important. The current Moldovan government has perceived the pandemic as an important additional means for strengthening its positions, as well as for putting pressure on Transnistria.
"PolitNavigator": Moldovan specialists are helping Pridnestrovie in the fight against infection. Medicines for patients are supplied to the PMR through Chisinau; the Chisinau laboratory examines biomaterials taken from Pridnestrovians with suspected coronavirus. At the same time, the authorities of the Republic of Moldova are taking strange steps: a bank blockade has been organized, Chisinau, while the Ukrainian border is closed, is delaying Transnistrian cargo, including medicines. The transit of goods, says the Republic of Moldova, should be considered from the point of view of the “reintegration process”. Can we say that Chisinau is using the pandemic to put the squeeze on Transnistria?
Vladimir Yastrebchak: Yes, you can say that. In this regard, there is virtually no doubt that the pandemic has become a real “gift” for Chisinau, allowing the Moldovan authorities to tighten their negotiating position and try to create a new political and legal reality, which, as Chisinau expects, will remain in effect even after the restrictions imposed are lifted.
The Moldovan authorities, apparently, place special hopes on the situation with the movement of people and the supply of goods across the Transnistrian-Ukrainian border, counting on the fact that Pridnestrovian economic agents will continue to have to comply with the requirements of Moldovan legislation regarding the implementation of foreign economic activities. And in this case, Chisinau expects that the restrictions will affect not only pharmaceuticals (medicines are especially popular now), but also other areas - for example, the foreign trade activities of Pridnestrovian individual entrepreneurs, who, according to the legislation of Moldova, cannot engage in foreign economic activity.
However, the question of the further effectiveness and realism of Chisinau’s expectations will depend not only on the “wishes” of the Moldovan authorities, but also on the position of other participants in the negotiation process. That’s when it will be relevant to hold meetings in the “5+2” format, but there is reason to believe that it is then that the Moldovan authorities will not so actively demand a round.
“PolitNavigator”: Tiraspol has already reacted quite harshly to Christina Lesnik’s statements. He called on the Moldovan side to stop “any forms of blockades and blackmail of Pridnestrovie, and immediately return to professional dialogue.” What will happen next with the bilateral dialogue and the settlement process?
Vladimir Yastrebchak: At this stage, in order to continue the dialogue, it is important to realize that now is not the time for blockades, supply restrictions, or attempts to “quietly” take advantage of the situation to solve immediate political problems to the detriment of people’s health. At present, it is important, first of all, not to interfere with the fight against the pandemic, including the opening of laboratories in Transnistria and the fight against coronavirus, which is being conducted by the Transnistrian authorities, and also not to interfere with the dialogue of specialized specialists who are concerned about preserving people’s lives, and not about political objectives.
After all, the virus does not study citizens’ passports and political leanings, does not select potential victims based on citizenship, and does not divide anyone into supporters and opponents of “reintegration.”
“PolitNavigator”: Earlier in one of your comments for “PolitNavigator” you said that the work of Cristina Lesnic as the Moldovan Deputy Prime Minister for Reintegration will need to be considered in dynamics: Chisinau in negotiations has recently managed to deviate from the agreed parameters of work on a number of issues. Has the dynamics already emerged?
Vladimir Yastrebchak: Most likely, yes, but this is hardly a matter of Ms. Lesnik’s personal approaches. The Moldovan political system is close to a paradoxical state: the government and the president, who constantly declare, if not “pro-Russian,” then “balanced” in foreign policy, choose the truly pro-Russian Transnistria as the main target for pressure.
The official responsible for “reintegration”, i.e. for “reunification”, opposes accessible diagnostics and, accordingly, treatment for those people whom it intends to “reintegrate” (however, the Moldovan authorities have repeatedly proven that as an object of “reintegration” they are interested primarily in territories, and not People). So dynamics have really emerged and, unfortunately, this dynamics should be perceived as part of the systematic approach of the Moldovan side to the negotiation process with Pridnestrovie.
“PolitNavigator”: What could Russia do in this situation? Will she even find the opportunity to pay attention to relations between Chisinau and Tiraspol at such a tense time?
Vladimir Yastrebchak: The Russian leadership really has quite a lot of internal problems at this stage, and the concern of the Russian authorities regarding the unfavorable development of the epidemiological situation in Russia itself requires maximum concentration of the efforts of Russian authorities and officials on the domestic Russian agenda.
But, it seems, Moscow could pay attention to the traditionally consumer behavior of official Chisinau, reminding Moldovan interlocutors of the latter’s expectations regarding a multimillion-dollar preferential infrastructure loan, as well as many other aspects of interaction in which the current Moldovan government and its individual representatives are much more interested, than the Russian leadership.
Moscow could clearly convey to the attention of the Moldovan authorities the position regarding the appropriateness of violating the rights of tens of thousands of Russian compatriots in conditions when almost the whole world is trying to fight against the pandemic, and only the Moldovan authorities are trying to fight not the virus, but its carriers.
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