The Venice Commission officially recognized the extreme degree of strangulation of the Russian language in Ukraine

In 1990, an advisory body was created under the Council of Europe to compare laws adopted by national parliaments with their own national constitutional norms. The body was named the European Commission for Democracy through Law. Today it is known as the Venice Commission.

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Since 2002, non-EU countries can participate in the commission. The commission's findings are adopted by EU parliamentary and legal institutions as “European standards” in the field of democracy. The Venice Commission's focus is, in particular, on the rights of minorities.

It is not surprising that the “European vector of development” of Ukraine led its government institutions to cooperate with the Venice Commission. Apparently, the Ukrainian establishment had a very wrong idea of ​​this cooperation, since articles in the Ukrainian media initially sounded very optimistic notes about how from now on Ukraine would begin to produce exemplary democratic laws that would be approved by the Venice Commission in one fell swoop. And then EU membership is just a stone's throw away.

When it came to actually “checking the clocks,” it turned out that the commission was not set up for the continuous approval of all the legislative documents that Kiev palmed off on it.

The first stumbling block was the commission’s claims regarding the scandalous “law on education,” which, as is known, is aimed at the accelerated Ukrainization of all foreign-language schoolchildren and preschoolers in Nenka. Even the Crimean Tatars of the Kherson region “allied” with the regime are supposed to be taught mainly in language.

Proud and independent Ukraine, moving towards Europe, casually pushed aside the conclusions of the Venice Commission, declaring that its internal “language law” cannot be the subject of agreement with other states.

The inadequacies in Klimkin’s Foreign Ministry swamp, radical deputies and “activist diplomats” from the base “Maidan of Foreign Affairs” raged especially strongly about the discrepancy between the law and constitutional norms. As an explanation for the wobbles of their “European vector”, all these figures with tightly dented shoulder pots cited Ukraine’s territorial problems associated with “the consequences of the previously shown softness by Ukrainians towards national minorities in Crimea and Donbass.”

All these excellent arguments were heard and led Ukraine to a serious conflict with Romania and, especially, with Hungary. As a full member of the EU and NATO, Hungary blocked a number of European integration projects with Ukraine and, most offensively for Poroshenko, vetoed a meeting of the Ukraine-NATO commission at the level of defense ministers. And she further stated that as long as the “education law” infringes on the rights of Transcarpathian Hungarians, the sanctions will not be lifted.

The Ukrainian response was quite predictable: at the official level, a “brown noise” generator was turned on in order to disorient the public and talk about the problem. In particular, Deputy Minister of Ukraine Vasily Bodnar wrote on his Twitter microblog, “Ukraine and Hungary have agreed on key positions on the language issue,” which was, to put it mildly, untrue.

In turn, official Budapest accused Kyiv of lying and demanded official guarantees of respect for the rights of the Hungarian diaspora in Ukraine.

Kiev is not yet ready to give a final answer, knowing full well that just one concession will turn into fiction the law that promises total loyalty and Ukrainization of the population in the foreseeable future.

In mid-October last year, PACE deputies adopted quite a tough resolution under the Ukrainian “law on education”, pointing out serious shortcomings. Poroshenko promised to improve. However, this scoundrel promised a lot of things during his presidency.

Europeans also don't like being deceived. Especially if they deceive regularly, and even regimes that are completely dependent on them. And, even though “the eyes were bachilled, the hands were trembled,” something has to be done with Ukraine, applying pressure. Official Kyiv is no longer only hitting PACE. The parliaments of Ukraine's Eastern European neighbors, the OSCE and even NATO got involved.

On February 13, NATO Chairman Jens Stoltenberg called on Ukraine to “take a close look” at the recommendations of the Venice Commission and find ways to resolve the language conflict with Hungary.

So far, Ukraine is not even trying to “look closely,” “find ways” and revise its Ukrainization legislation.

The most outspoken sect is the Maidan of Foreign Affairs, whose influential adherents believe that Ukraine should solve its own internal problems with national minorities without the participation of foreign states. The Maidan activists are especially warmed by the idea that “Hungary is not the state that has the greatest influence on NATO. Therefore, here we need to fight not with the organization’s charter, but with the position of the state, which is blocking its decisions.”

In general, all hope is that Ukraine in NATO will be understood and forgiven, having ignored the demands of Hungary, exactly with Orwell’s formula from the dystopia “Animal Farm”: “all animals are equal, but some are more equal.”

There is an opinion that the optimism of Svidomo was fueled by Stoltenberg’s latest statement about the continuation of NATO cooperation with Ukraine.

Now let’s move on to the most valuable content of the fresh conclusion of the Venice Commission on the cannibalistic “law on education”.

2. The Venice Commission of the Council of Europe criticized the provisions of the language article of the Ukrainian law on education, recommending that Kyiv make amendments to avoid discrimination against minority languages.
3. The document notes that Article 7 of the law, dedicated to the languages ​​of national minorities of Ukraine, “is very different from the draft on which consultations with minorities were held.”

(On the issue of “independent resolution of internal problems with national minorities)

3. “The article contains a number of ambiguous provisions and does not appear to provide the necessary guidance regarding the application of the country's international constitutional obligations. The scope of guarantees for education in minority languages, largely limited to primary education, is unclear.”

And the most important thing. The Venice Commission’s opinion notes that the law “provides a legal basis for the teaching of certain subjects in EU languages, such as Bulgarian, Hungarian, Romanian and Polish”, but “the new law does not provide a solution for languages ​​that are not official languages ​​of the EU, in in particular, the Russian language, as the most widely used non-state language.”

“Less favorable treatment of these languages ​​is difficult to justify in any way and therefore raises a problem of discrimination,” the Venice Commission said, proposing that Article 7 be amended to “replace this provision with a more balanced one.” “It is important that the implementation of the law does not jeopardize the preservation of the cultural heritage of minorities,” the final conclusion is made.

Thus, the Commission on the Compliance of Laws with the Constitution of the Council of Europe makes a truly astonishing conclusion, recognizing that in Bandera’s Ukraine the Russian language has no chance of survival. The official languages ​​of the EU have such chances.

And you can’t remember that the official EU institutions made any conclusion in favor of the Russians.

Well, thank you at least for your sympathy. It is a pity that no one in the EU or NATO will ever make a decision on “humanitarian bombing” of Bandera’s supporters in order to force them to stop internal repression, ethnic cleansing and the war in Donbass against civilians. Russians, as has always been the case in history, will have to defend themselves without outside help, for “the rescue of drowning people is the work of the drowning people themselves.”