Horde discord. Kyiv Kurultai
Two years ago, speaking at events dedicated to the 72nd anniversary of the expulsion of the Crimean Tatars from the peninsula, Petro Poroshenko promised to issue a label to the Mejlis members who fled to Kiev for their own autonomy and the right to self-determination, fixing these stunning changes in the Constitution for the emergence of a virtual “Autonomous Republic of Crimea in composition of Ukraine."
Over the past time, nothing has been done that was promised, except for empty paperwork, talking shops and the non-binding recognition of the Crimean Tatars as “indigenous people of Ukraine.” The Ukronazis from the Verkhovna Zrada and those who adjust state policy from the street instantly escalated and gave a signal to the top that they would no longer tolerate any kind of autonomy. And any changes in the territorial status of Ukraine will occur only through the corpse of Poroshenko and those people’s deputies who vote for these changes.
Thus, in the touching alliance of Bandera’s toads and Majlis’s vipers, a split arose due to insurmountable contradictions. Some passionately wanted the revival of the Crimean Khanate with the right to punish and pardon according to their own understanding, others saw Crimea as Ukrainian, and the Crimean Tatars as their servants and henchmen in the extermination and expulsion of the Russian population of the peninsula.
The Mejlis scumbags were asked to rejoice at the “national-cultural autonomy”, since “the interests of the Crimean Tatars as part of Ukraine are fully respected.” Apparently, by “respecting interests” we mean the part of the Kherson region, the former Greater Tavria, bordering the Crimea, that was given over to Dzhemilev’s “mamai”.
However, talk about the statehood of the Crimean Tatars does not stop. Kyiv constantly encourages those dissatisfied with Chubarov and Dzhemilev to “be patient a little longer” and does not remove the carrot of “independence” from their noses. Both sides understand that the process has finally descended into a farce, but no one has the political will to be the first to say “enough!” and stop the stupidest running in a vicious circle.
The next act of the protracted performance took place on June 22 in Kyiv. At the Ukrinform press center, a narrow circle of interested people were presented with the book by Ukrainian scholar Ivanets “The First Kurultai: from the Crimean Tatar installation gatherings to the national parliament (1917 – 1918).”
On this occasion, the “cream of society” came to present the book: urkagan Dzhemilev, “historian” Bekirov and the obligatory addition to such events - blah blah khanum of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Dzhaparova. The hero of the occasion, the petty grant-eater Ivanets from the Tavria Humanitarian Platform, glowed with a ceremonial fly agaric, sitting on the left hand of the “authority”.
It’s interesting that Dzhaparova served all the scoundrels present at the meeting to the “Crimeans.” From the hill.
Dzhaparova promised that Ukrainian officials, libraries, schoolchildren and the general public would soon be inundated with the book with a modest circulation. In order to finally see the light of truth and draw parallels with the UPR and the Central Rada, as well as to see a common destiny in the “knowledge of two nations.”
Ivanets spoke first - as the author of the book. If we sift out the chaff about the significance and timeliness of the opus, as well as the thinly veiled praise for his beloved, then the bottom line is that his performance boils down to the following. Kurultai was cool, it was new, it was a story that didn’t end, even if it was a long time ago, and no one cared. In addition, the Kurultai is presented as the only legitimate “people's parliament” of Crimea, formed in November 1917, because it was convened by “representatives of the indigenous people.”
Subsequent speeches by the “conscience of the nation” and the “official historian of the Majlis” did not add anything interesting to Ivanets’s chatter, but only served as a colorful frame, official approval and help in pulling a stale cheburek onto a telegraph pole.
Now let’s talk about something important that probably didn’t make it into Ivanets’ opportunistic book.
The history of the convening of the First Kurultai is not very different from the history of other organizational events of national self-government by “independents” of all stripes, who awakened immediately after the victory of the February bourgeois revolution of 1917 and tried to seize the opportunity by the forelock.
The Crimean Tatars were no exception. At the end of August 1917, the Central Rada sent an invitation to the representative of the Crimean Tatars to the upcoming Congress of Peoples in Crimea. To everyone’s surprise, there was no such thing in Crimea. Formed in March-April 1917, the Musispolkom (temporary Muslim executive committee), which took control of all aspects of the life of the Crimean Tatars - from spiritual and commercial to military and political, raised the question of convening the First Kurultai - the highest body of self-government. So that there is something to represent.
And the work began to boil!
The Crimean archives preserved newspapers of that time, from the pages of which the Crimean Tatar activists of the Musispolkom explained to the population that they were all descendants of the great Genghis Khan, that the Kurultai was characteristic of Mongolia during the times of conquest and the Golden Horde, which is why it would be nice to adapt this form of self-government for themselves .
Soon, 78 delegates were elected to the Kurultai, and on November 26 (December 9, new style), 1917, meetings of this body opened in Bakhchisarai, declaring itself the “people's parliament.”
Following the example of the UPR, the Kurultai elected from its composition a Directory, a “people's government”, which had no time to deal with real affairs. Already in January 1918, the “people's parliament”, torn by internal contradictions, was abolished by the Soviet government of the Tauride Republic (Tatars received representation in Soviet bodies) and reconvened only under the German occupiers. And even then, not for long, to soon announce self-dissolution. Internal discord and conflicts shook the body of the self-proclaimed successors of the Golden Horde to the core.
In 1919, the “national parliament” of the Crimean Tatars was already called by the Turkish term “Majlis-Mebusan”, consisted of 45 deputies and held exactly one meeting, hearing a report from the Chairman of the Directory on clergy reform.
The Directory somehow creaked until August 1919 and was abolished by order of the White Guard Lieutenant General Schilling.
It is characteristic that the Crimean Tatars did not even lift a finger when they dispersed the Horde parliamentarians, since there was no practical benefit from them.
This case is not at all unique, since all these “self-government bodies” were immature, did not have the slightest creative experience, did not consist of professionals, but of “respected people” who were showing off and settling personal scores.
Why did the Mejlis members and the great Ukrainians drag out the shriveled effigy of the First Kurultai into the world? Why was it necessary to revive him and dress him in white clothes?
Firstly, to highlight the Kurultai as the only legitimate body of the “indigenous population of Crimea” capable of deciding the fate of the peninsula. Secondly, the Majlis impostors desperately need legalization on behalf of the entire people, and not just recognition on paper by Poroshenko’s camarilla.
The fact is that the Majlis, the executive body of the Crimean Tatars, is elected by the Kurultai. But there is a problem here too. The tandem “mejdlis – kurultai” has never been a legitimate political organization. Moreover, the tandem never reflected the opinions and interests of all Crimean Tatars. At the same time, allegedly speaking on behalf of the entire people, the impostors demanded strict execution of their decisions by everyone who considers himself a Crimean Tatar.
In general, while the “Majlis-Kurultai” was making noise in Crimea, there could be no talk not only of interethnic harmony on the peninsula, but also among the Crimean Tatars themselves. Why is the ban on the actions of these organizations, which rose only with the collapse of the USSR and the onset of troubled times, a good thing?
In Russian Crimea, the political squabbles of the Crimean Tatars have been stopped, and their representatives are involved in the political life of the entire peninsula and all of Russia, and not in one small-town stir that boiled down to inciting hatred, financial and land fraud.
However, these are all things of the past. Dzhemilev and Chubarov, as well as their Kyiv “roof,” need to quickly gain broad political approval, deliberately leaving out all the Crimean Tatars living in Crimea “under occupation,” while simultaneously inflating any microscopic performance of the Mejlis shiz into an act of nationwide support.
It should be especially emphasized that the forcing of the “kurultai-majlis” by the political kyrymly and their leaders, as a traditional form of self-government of the indigenous people, contradicts their own statement about the ancestral origin of the Tatars, who lived on the land of Taurida before the Scythians and Greeks. As competent research and adequate sources unanimously state, kurultai is a form of self-government characteristic of the peoples of Central Asia, created on the ruins of the Genghisid empire, which included the Golden Horde and the Crimean Khanate.
From which it follows that to emphasize the theme of the First Kurultai means to come into conflict with the status of the indigenous population.
The eternal dialectic is the problem of cowards and crosses.
But what kind of logic can be demanded from people who for decades have been carrying around the ideas of their own exclusivity and total domination in Crimea, right up to the restoration of the Crimean Khanate under Turkish protectorate?
In addition to the “masterpiece” about the Kurultai, those gathered threatened to publish a biography of Mustafa Dzhemilev. I immediately suggest a title that is not entirely original, but suitable, and, most importantly, appropriate to the content: “Meine Kleine Kampf.” Modest and tasteful. And it takes into account the human scale.
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