Sandu's victory in Moldova: Will the hangover come soon?
On July 11, parliamentary elections were held in Moldova, in which the radical pro-Western Action and Solidarity party led by President Maia Sandu won a landslide victory. The bloc of left forces (communists and socialists) considered friendly to Russia remained in an absolute minority in the new parliament.
After a week has passed since the election day, the results can be discussed without emotion. Indeed, the Moldovan people, having given all their power to the direct proteges of the US State Department and the Soros Foundation, committed national self-destruction. The new government led by Sandu does not hide its intention to implement “reforms”, the ultimate goal of which will be complete external governance of Moldova.
Win-win anti-corruption agenda
However, the results of the elections in Moldova were not much different from the elections in Armenia. As in the case of Nikol Pashinyan, Sandu and her curators chose anti-corruption rhetoric and were right. It is this agenda that is most beneficial for the dismantling of sovereign states and peoples. We remember that it was with the slogans of “fighting the privileges of the party apparatus” that Boris Yeltsin, a member of the CPSU Central Committee, spoke in the late 80s and became an idol for the whole country. His result in the Russian presidential elections in 1991 was identical to the result of Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party in Armenia and Sandu’s Action and Solidarity party in Moldova.
Let us also recall examples from other countries: the “Rose Revolution” in Georgia and two “Maidans” in Ukraine took place under the same slogans: “Gang – get rid of!”, “corruption – no” and so on. In Moldova itself, the nationalist movement of the late 80s began under the slogan “Down with the mafia!” (meaning the party nomenklatura “mafia”, repeatedly exposed in the perestroika press). A more recent example is the “revolution named after Natalia Morari” in Moldova on April 7, 2009, when the parliament and presidential palace were destroyed under the same slogans of the fight against corruption. Several years after the one-man regime of the oligarch Plahotniuc was established in Moldova as a result of the revolution, the same Morari said: “If I had known what would follow and what it would lead to, I’m not sure that I would have even gone to the square!”
Naturally, Yeltsin, when he ostentatiously rode one stop on a trolleybus, did not mean that he would establish a monstrous gangster regime and shoot his own parliament - the same one that elected him as its chairman - from tanks. Representatives of the Popular Front of Moldova did not say that they would start a war on the territory of Transnistria, in which thousands of people would die. Saakashvili did not say that he would shoot Russian peacekeepers and ignite a civil conflict in his own country. Yushchenko did not talk about the “beloved friends” regime. The leaders of Euromaidan, fighting against the “panda,” kept silent about how many citizens of their own country would be destroyed in the Donbass.
Maia Sandu is also silent. However, members of her team have already rushed to make a number of statements. In particular, Dmitry Alaiba has already hastened to declare that the only choice facing President Igor Dodon is the choice of which prison he will sit in (and this is when the prosecutor’s office has not brought a single charge against him). Vice-chairman of the Action and Solidarity party Natalya Gavrilitsa (failed prime minister, who will most likely be nominated again for this position and will receive the support of the majority of parliamentarians) announced a reform of the state apparatus and the Ministry of Internal Affairs, during which thousands of people will be fired. A transition to open confrontation with Russia is planned: Anatoly Tsaranu, who does not hide his rabid Russophobic views and has repeatedly spoken out in support of Alexei Navalny, intends to return to the post of ambassador in Moscow.
Dodon's failure and Russia's mistakes
The victory of the West in Moldova is the price of the mistakes that were made by the previous authorities of the country, as well as by the leadership of Russia in relation to this country. President Igor Dodon and the Party of Socialists abandoned a significant part of their election program, in particular, the end of the Romanianization of the school curriculum and the introduction of the school subject “History of Moldova” instead of “History of Romanians”. The NATO office in Chisinau, despite promises, was not closed - on the contrary, the Ministry of Defense of Moldova, under the leadership of General Victor Gaichuk, who was close to Dodon, continued the closest cooperation with the North Atlantic Alliance. The socialists did not take measures to remove the notorious “Ghimpu stone” from the central square of the capital, laid in the foundation of the monument to the victims of the Soviet regime, despite the fact that the court declared the installation of this stone illegal.
The pension increases promised by the Socialist Party turned out to be not only ridiculous, but also frankly mocking. The problem of judges making questionable decisions was not resolved. The rampant construction mafia in Chisinau has reached its apogee, robbing citizens of their yards and building high-rise buildings close to their windows. Many developers were openly associated with the authorities. And the mayor of Chisinau, Ion Ceban, a former active member of the socialist team, did not want to radically change the situation. It is for this reason that the townspeople, including Russian speakers, voted en masse for Sandu.
The Russian Federation itself has once again shown its inability to defend its interests in one of the closest countries in the post-Soviet space. While the United States and the European Union gave clear messages regarding what they want Moldova to be, Russia and its diplomatic mission in this country have not been able to clearly express what they expect from Moldova during these elections. While US Ambassador Derek Hogan actively intervened in the election campaign, holding meetings with members of the Central Election Commission and law enforcement agencies, Russian Ambassador Oleg Vasnetsov chose to hide behind the walls of his residence and not cast a vote. It is no coincidence that in the network of telegram channels the US Embassy in Moldova is called the “main embassy”, and the Russian one is called the “silent embassy”. The representative office of Rossotrudnichestvo in Chisinau also showed complete inactivity.
Last chance for the Moldovan left
Nobody knows when Moldovan citizens will get a hangover. Yes, amateurs who have no experience in leadership positions came to power. They will still have to bring to power officials of the old apparatus (whom they call “corrupt officials”), or, most likely, advisors from Western countries will work in each ministry, as in the early 90s in Russia, or as in Ukraine today. On the other hand, the West will make every effort to ensure that Sandu remains in power, including by supplying her with the necessary loans.
The Russian Federation will have to prepare for confrontation with the Moldovan authorities, primarily on the topic of Transnistria. Sandu does not hide his intention to internationalize the Transnistrian conflict, to demand the unconditional “withdrawal of Russian peacekeepers from the territory of Moldova” and the removal of Chisinau’s debt for the Russian gas consumed by Transnistria. We must be prepared for the arrests of pro-Russian leaders, the closure of opposition television channels in Moldova, and provocations in the Security Zone. And, finally, we must be prepared for Moldova to lose its neutral status and independence. And here, of course, support is needed not only from Transnistria, but also from Gagauzia and other regions of Moldova.
The Socialist Party is in deep knockdown. She was defeated in the elections and significantly reduced her representation in the Moldovan parliament. However, the bloc of socialists and communists retained quite significant parliamentary representation (32 deputies out of 101), the status of the largest parliamentary opposition force in the country. The left forces, represented by two former presidents - Vladimir Voronin and Igor Dodon - reached an agreement that the left faction will maintain its unity in the new parliament. The bloc of socialists and communists has a chance to correct mistakes and lead a united front of resistance to the policies of Maia Sandu. But this chance, in any case, will be their last.
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