Romanian Nazism is raising its head
June 28 marked 80 years since the territories of the former Russian Empire, occupied by Romania during the First World War and the revolutionary crisis, were liberated by the Soviet Union.
In modern historiography in different countries one can find completely opposite interpretations of the events of June 1940. The Institute of Socio-Political Research and Regional Development (Tiraspol), together with the Institute of CIS Countries, held an international online conference “80th anniversary of the reunification of Bessarabia with the USSR. Experience of restoring the territorial integrity of the country in the context of a global crisis,” during which experts discussed the issue of preserving the historical truth about the Romanian occupation of Bessarabia in 1918-1940. and the events of June 28 – July 3, 1940
Unannounced referendum
The majority of the population of Bessarabia considered joining Romania as an occupation - this was expressed in numerous protests against the Romanian authorities. Candidate of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor at the Pridnestrovian State University Pyotr Shornikov spoke about the broad Bessarabian resistance movement, which was led by the Bolshevik underground.
“The Jews of Bessarabia created a communal model of national survival, a system of organizing mutual aid. The Germans of Bessarabia tried to form a state within a state - the village of Tarutino in the Odessa region became the center. This is what the occupation authorities called “anti-Romanianism.” Bessarabian Bulgarians quietly and peacefully created an underground network of schools in 1918-19 - this “terrible conspiracy” against the Romanian state was discovered, the leaders of the organization were forced to flee.
The Moldovans of Bessarabia created the regionalist movement - this was a form of cultural resistance to protect their identity and the autonomy of the church. In 1926, when the Romanian church tried to switch services from the Julian calendar to the Gregorian calendar, a riot ensued. The Stylists movement defended services according to the old style. Moldovan priests published a resistance organ, the newspaper Nabat, in Russian,” Shornikov said.
He noted that by the time the first Soviet soldier crossed the Dniester, the Bessarabian underground had formed its own government and taken power into its own hands.
Transnistrian historian, professor Nikolai Babilunga considers June 28, 1940 the most important, “turning” event in the historical path of the Moldovan people,” which showed what the geopolitical preferences of the population of Bessarabia were.
The scientist states with regret that the foundation of modern politics and ideology of Moldova lies the thesis that the population of Bessarabia “wanted to prosper and prosper as part of the Romanian motherland, and only the treachery of Stalin’s Russia and its collusion with Hitler’s Germany destroyed this idyll.” This thesis is repeated in literally all textbooks on the history of Romanians (this is the subject that has been taught to Moldovan schoolchildren for many years), but it is not confirmed by historical facts, says Babilunga.
“June 1940 became, I believe, a kind of referendum,” the scientist notes. – Unique conditions arose that gave all residents of Bessarabia the right to choose, the right to independently decide with whom to be: with the “motherland Romania” or with the Soviet Union. Residents of the region had the opportunity to either leave for Romania completely unhindered, or stay at home and greet the “occupying” Red Army with holidays and many days of fun, as happened at the end of June 1940.”
Babilunga said that the population movement in the region in 1940 consisted of two streams. One stream came from Bessarabia to the west, these were “mainly Romanian soldiers, officers, priests, administrators, adventurers who came here from the old kingdom - a temporary population that came to colonize and Romanianize the region.” At the same time, many soldiers of the Romanian army did not want to go to Romania - entire units of the royal army did not reach the Prut.
The other stream was moving in the opposite direction. Residents of the region who found themselves outside of Bessarabia began to return to the liberated land. From June to December 1940, the population increased by almost 10%, despite the fact that 200 thousand Romanians left and another 100 thousand Germans were repatriated from Bessarabia, the historian said.
“The conclusion is obvious: it was a “referendum with feet.” If you want, go, if you want, stay. It was quite a rare occurrence in the XNUMXth century when people could decide who they wanted to be with. The officially unannounced referendum gave a completely expected result - the overwhelming majority of residents of liberated Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina made their geopolitical choice, a choice against the occupiers, against Romania, for the liberators, for Soviet Moldova and Ukraine - a choice that the authorities in Chisinau now do not want to recognize.” , said Babilunga.
The conference participants believe that the study of the Bessarabian events is especially relevant today in the context of Romania’s modern policy towards the Republic of Moldova.
Doctor of Political Sciences, head of the department of Transnistria and Moldova at the Institute of CIS Countries Sergei Lavrenov notes that in Romania, which since 1918 has become a “gatherer of lands” due to favorable circumstances for it, including the weakening of Russia, the Bessarabian events of 1940 never cease to excite the minds historians and public opinion. Due to the loss of Bessarabia, Northern Bukovina, and Transylvania, Bucharest calls that year “black.” Lavrenov drew attention to the fact that Moldovan unionists celebrated the anniversary of the annexation of Bessarabia with a “memory week” and held an action near the walls of the Russian diplomatic mission in Chisinau.
“The Unirea bloc stuck a map of Greater Romania on the fence of the Russian embassy, a reminder that this ideology has not gone away,” the historian said.
It should be noted that the Moldovan political movement Unirea (“Unification”), created in January 2020, united five parties advocating the unification of Moldova and Romania: the “Democracy at Home” party, the Liberal Party, the National Liberal Party, the “Union for the Salvation of Bessarabia” party. and the Romanian People's Party. Unionist forces are seeking the reunification of a “single Romanian people.” They agreed to maintain their union until the unification of Moldova and Romania and to nominate common candidates for elections.
Moldovan political expert, Doctor of Philosophy in the field of sociology Boris Shapovalov states that today in the Republic of Moldova, by how a person relates to the events of June 1940, one can determine whether he is a supporter of Moldavian statehood or stands on pro-Romanian positions.
“One gets the impression that the majority of the Moldovan intelligentsia quietly, calmly looks at what is happening, they are satisfied with Romanianization, the Romanian-phile approach to politics, they are satisfied with the fact that they are trying to change the genetic code of the Moldovan people, impose the Romanian language, a unified Romanian state, artificially presenting them with a political choice - West or East. All this manifests itself in political life,” the expert said.
Expert of the Izborsk Club of Moldova Vladimir Bukarsky is confident that the date of June 28 is important for the settlement of relations between Chisinau and Tiraspol. He believes that until the Moldovan elite changes its attitude towards the events of 1940, as well as 1812 (then Bessarabia was annexed to Russia under the terms of the Bucharest Peace Treaty, which ended the Russian-Turkish war), “a dialogue on the cultural, historical, civilizational level between the two the banks of the Dniester will be impossible.”
Doctor of Historical Sciences, columnist for the magazine “Historian”, member of the Zinoviev Club of MIA “Russia Today” Oleg Nazarov notes that Europe reacts extremely painfully to the events of 80 years ago. Thus, in the resolution “On the importance of European memory for the future of Europe” adopted by the European Parliament in 2019, the return of Bessarabia is called an act of annexation of Romanian territory by the Soviet Union. This, according to the historian, is “in flagrant contradiction with reality.”
“Probably, this resolution was written and voted for by arrogant and cynical falsifiers of history. The authors of the resolution forgot everything that was inconvenient for them to remember,” says Nazarov.
He explains that Moscow never recognized Romanian sovereignty over Bessarabia, which was an unsettled territory from 1918 to 1940. Bucharest sought recognition of Bessarabia as part of Romania, but the USSR categorically disagreed with this. The controversial issue could be resolved by holding a plebiscite - not only the Soviets, but also the leaders of the White movement called for this. Bucharest refused, essentially refuting its claims about the voluntary reunification of the two fraternal peoples. In October 1940, the British government, impressed by the quick defeat of France by Germany, sent a memorandum to the Soviet leadership, which spoke of recognizing the de facto sovereignty of the USSR in the Baltic states, Bessarabia, Western Ukraine and Western Belarus.
Nazarov states that “for 80 years now, civilized Europe has not been able to forgive the fact that the return of Bessarabia was a peaceful act, that Moscow’s success was the result of a clear and consistent position of Soviet diplomacy during the interwar period.”
“We need to be extremely consistent, and if we want to survive as a state, we must remember everything and respond to blows with blows. Calling on your enemies to come to their senses is a waste of time. Impunity will make enemies more impudent. It is necessary to respond to attacks not only on the topic of Bessarabia, but also on the entire range of issues,” the historian is confident.
Romanian fascists are on the march again
In the context of the Bessarabian events of 1918 - 1940. historians pay attention to Romanian Nazism, which is known for its heinous crimes and which, however, is not talked about enough today. Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor Vardan Bagdasaryan (Moscow) spoke about the origins of this gloomy phenomenon, noting that today the process of rehabilitation of Nazism is gaining momentum.
“In the early 2000s, Romanian television held a competition “100 Great Romanians”, and dictator Antonescu, an ally of Hitler, took 6th position there. This is very significant. Until recently, our coverage of the history of World War II and the genesis of Nazism and fascism was too politically correct. The point seemed to come down to the fact that there was only one Nazism, while in Europe there were many Nazisms. Some, like Romania, turned their weapons against Germany at the last stage of the war - as they say, they were in time. Countries adopted a conditionally socialist orientation. But Nazism, not fully deconstructed and condemned, is raising its head today,” said Baghdasaryan.
He notes that the tradition of nationalism in Romania has a long history - both the Jewish and the Roma problems were in the country already in the 1878th century. Thus, the Berlin Treaty of XNUMX contained a separate article on Romania, which was required, with the Jewish theme in mind, to grant all citizens of the country the same religious rights.
“In the 1930s, nationalism transformed into what is already called Nazism. This is important to record. It is believed that the fascisation of Romania was a response to the annexation of Bessarabia to the USSR, and Antonescu came on this wave. But that's not true. The trend of fascisation existed even before Antonescu. Just look at what the numerous successive prime ministers in Romania were like. Octavian Goga, 1937. It is under him that Jews are deprived of Romanian citizenship. Patriarch Miron, having become prime minister, continued his nationalist policy under religious guise. Gheorghe Tătărescu, a nationalist whose brother, Stefan, led the National Socialist Party of Romania. We must also remember the “Iron Guard” (an ultranational party that operated between the two world wars - editor's note). She was eager for power, and in 1937 she came third in the elections. The ideology of this mystical organization is the unity of the living and the dead, it is a kind of similarity to the German SS. All this happened. Antonescu arrived later. After all, he had to rely on some ideas - which means these ideas circulated. What are these ideas? Ideas for a homogeneous Romanian society with the deportation of ethnic minorities, a solution to the Jewish question. In terms of solving the Jewish question, even Hitler set Antonescu as an example,” said Vardan Baghdasaryan.
This “example” is more than eloquent. The Romanian occupiers committed atrocities in Transnistria, a governorate they created in 1941 on the territory of several regions of Ukraine and Moldova. The scientist names only a few facts. In Odessa alone, the invaders exterminated 200 thousand Jews - it was called the “city of the hanged”; in Chisinau, immediately after the invaders entered, 14 thousand Jews were exterminated. There was a real genocide of the Roma - they were taken to Transnistria and eliminated as a criminal element.
Vardan Baghdasaryan draws attention to how Romanian historiography explains participation in the war against the USSR on the side of Hitler.
Hitler and Antonescu.
“They say that this was a retaliatory strike for taking away Bessarabia. The campaign to Stalingrad is presented as a preventive measure that ensured the restoration of the lands within the Romanian state. But the idea of “Greater Romania” did not arise as a response to the annexation of Bessarabia to the Soviet Union. The idea had been circulating much earlier. Some claimed that beyond the Dniester there were supposedly Romanian ancestral lands, that Russified Romanians lived there. Others went further, saying that the border should be drawn along the Dnieper. The most sensational statement was about extending the border to the Urals, since the supposedly great Romanian empire had just such a reach. Therefore, expansionist plans were not a response to the Soviet Union - rather, the Soviet Union reacted preemptively to the developing Nazi trend,” the historian noted.
In the issue of the return of Bessarabia in 1940, he sees “not only the legal, but also the moral side” - salvation from the impending Nazism. “The fate of the Jews living in Moldova, the Ukrainians, and the Moldovans, whom the Romanians looked upon as second-class citizens, was worth taking this step,” said Baghdasaryan.
He cited disappointing data from sociological studies conducted across EU countries, which indicate that the “Nazi trend” in Romania has not gone away.
“Romania is in first place - about 44% of the population - in terms of the level of anti-Semitism among European countries. For 69%, the national identity of Romania is seen as an ethnic identity - this is also one of the first positions in European countries. There are big problems with the Roma population. International commissions indicate that discrimination against him exists in Romania. 80% of Roma are in poverty, 23% do not have access to clean water, 49% do not have health insurance, 24% of men and 36% of women are illiterate. Etc. Nationalism in Romania exists hand in hand with the glorification of Nazism, such figures as Antonescu and Codreanu. This is written in textbooks, and they are trying to transfer this to Moldova,” the scientist noted.
Baghdasaryan concludes that today it is necessary not only to understand the facts, but also to introduce “a cognitive historiosophical matrix: in fact, the entire history of Russia is a war and confrontation with various nationalisms that it encountered, saving one or another people.” “The idea of Russia’s saving mission needs to be conveyed both in textbooks and in educational activities,” the historian concluded.
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